Kurdish rebellions

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Contents 1 The Emergence of Kurdish Nationalism and the Sheikh Said Rebellion, 1880-1925 2 Kurdish Uprisings 2.1 The Koçkiri Rebellion, 1920 2.2 Sheikh Said Piran's Rebellion, 1925 2.3 Rebellion of Sheikh Abdurrahman, 1927 2.4 Agiri (Ağrı, Ararat) Rebellion, 1927-1930 2.5 Dersim Rebellion, 1937 3 Notes 4 References 5 External Links 6 See also

[edit] The Emergence of Kurdish Nationalism and the Sheikh Said Rebellion, 1880-1925

The Sheikh Said rebellion was the first large-scale nationalist rebellion by the Kurds. The role of the Azadi was fundamental in its unfolding. Kurdish intellectuals and military officers lay at the heart of the nationalist movement, in terms of organization and recruitment. The paramount influence of the more secular or noncleric Kurdish nationalist organizations must be separated from the rebellion itself and its Sheikhly leadership. The Sheikh Said rebellion was led largely by Sheikhs, a deliberate determination by the leadership of Azadi from 1921 onward. These decisions were defined and given force in the Azadi congresses of 1924. The fact that the rebellion had a religious character was the result of Azadi's assessment of the strategy and tactics necessary for carrying out a successful revolution. While the Sheikh Said rebellion was a nationalist rebellion, the mobilization, propaganda, and symbols were those of a religious rebellion. It must be remembered that it was and continued to be characterized by most Turkish scholars (such as Behcet, Cemal and Metin Toker) as a religious rebellion, instigated by reactionaries, who happened to be Kurds, against the secularizing reforms of the Kemalist government from 1922 onward (especially the abolition of the caliphate on 3 March 1924 and the National Law Court Organization Regulation among others).^[1]

Martin van Bruinessen, the only scholar who has studied the rebellion in any detail, has stated emphatically that "the primary aim of both (Sheikh Said and the Azadi leaders), was the establishment of an independent Kurdistan." Sheikh Said is an example of a man who was simultaneously an ardent nationalist and a committed believer. Many of the leaders of the Azadi and of the rebellion may have been genuinely upset by the abolition of the caliphate. For the average Kurd who participated in the rebellion, the religious and nationalist motivations were doubtlessly mixed. Most of the Kurds thought that the Sheikhs who led the rebellion were religious and, more importantly, Kurds.

Many other crucial events, factors, and developments played a role in the rebellion. Many of the leaders wanted to protect their land, their domination of the markets for their livestock, and their control of the legal system, all or some of which seemed to be threatened by the secularizing and centralizing reforms of the central government in Ankara. The Sheikh Said rebellion was a turning point in the history of the Kurds in that nationalism was the prime factor in its organization and development. This is indicated by the fact that the subsequent large rebellions by the Kurds were nationalist and religious, employing nationalist symbols and propaganda. The Sheikh Said rebellion clearly demonstrated the direction that Kurdish nationalism was to take. In the Zeylan (1930) and Agri (1926-1932) rebellions, nationalist Kurdish slogans were used extensively.

The Sheikh Said rebellion demonstrated, territorially, and politically, the increased vulnerability of the Kurds as a result of the displacement, deportation, and massacre of Armenians during World War I. The removal of the Armenians also removed the buffers of protection that their presence and nationalism offered the Kurds. The situation of the Kurds and the suppression of their nationalism was even more ironic in light of their eager participation in the deportation and massacre of the Armenians in 1915 and subsequently. The truly tragic meaning that the elimination of the Armenians held for the Kurds and Kurdish nationalism was recognized, as mentioned earlier, by some of the Kurdish nationalist leaders such as Halid Beg Cibran.^{[2] [3]}

In terms of domestic Turkish politics, the rebellion was nearly as important as Medin Toker suggests. According to Toker, the rebellion gave Kemalists, or "radicals" as he calls them, an opportunity to silence the criticism of the Istanbul press, which was aligned with oppositional groups and, shortly thereafter, regional newspapers as well. It also established the legal means via the Restoration of Order Law and the creation of independence tribunals to arrest the leading members of the opposition forces when the time was ripe, in June 1926 after the discovery of a plot in Izmir to assassinate Mustafa Kemal. Soon after the discovery of the alleged plot, twenty one members of the Progressive Republican party and eleven of the most important members of the Committee of Union and Progress were arrested. Some escaped arrest only because they were abroad or went into hiding. Less than one month after the discovery of the plot, fifteen members of groups opposed to the Kemalists were condemned to death. Even the heroes of the revolution and of the war of liberation, such as Refet Bele, Rauf Orbay, and Kazim Karabekir, who managed to escape death, were never again to play significant roles in the politics of Turkey. The only exception was Fuad Cebesoy.

It was only after the Sheikh Said rebellion that three "revolutions" were able to occur: the Code of Civil Law (Medeni Kanunu Devrimi) of 4 October 1926; the Dress and Headgear Law (Kiyafet Kanunu Devrimi) of 25 November 1925; and the Alphabet Law (Harf Kanunu) of 1 November 1928. These kinds of reform would only have been possible in a Turkey under the Restoration of Order Law.

[edit] Kurdish Uprisings

[edit] The Koçkiri Rebellion, 1920

Main article: Koçkiri Rebellion

The 1920 Koçkiri Rebellion in the overwhelmingly Kizilbash Dersim region, while waged by the Kizilbash Koçkiri tribe, was masterminded by members of an organisation known as the Kürdistan Taâlî Cemiyeti (KTC) ^[4]. This particular rebellion failed for several reasons, most of which have something to do with its Kizilbash character. The fact was that many Dersim tribal chiefs at this point still supported the Kemalists - regarding Mustafa Kemal as their 'protector' against the excesses of Sunni religious zealots, some of whom were Kurmancî Kurds. To most Kurmancî Kurds at the time, the uprising appeared to be merely an Alevi uprising - and thus not in their own interests ^[5]. In the aftermath of the Koçkiri rebellion there was talk in the new Turkish Republic's Grand National Assembly of some very limited forms of 'Autonomous Administration' by the Kurds in a Kurdish region centered on Kurdistan. All this disappeared in the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne, however. Bitterly disappointed, the Kurds turned again to armed struggle in 1925 - this time led by the Zaza cleric Sheikh Said, but organized by another, newer, Kurdish nationalist organization, Azadî ^[6]

[edit] Sheikh Said Piran's Rebellion, 1925

Main article: Sheikh Said Rebellion

The main rebellion which dominates the history of the Kurds in Turkey is that of the 1925 rebellion in Kurdistan region of Turkey which was led by Sheikh Said. The repression and aggression of Kemalist secularism followed and all public manifestations of Kurdish identity was outlawed which, in turn, prepared Kurds for more rebellion. The revolt of Sheikh Said of Piran began in February 1925 .Of almost 15000 fighters who participated in the rebellion against the 52,000 Genderma (Turkish soldiers), the main Kurdish tribes participating in the rebellion came from Zaza. The rebellion covered most of the part of Amed (Diyarbakir) and Marden. The Sheikh Said rebellion was the first large scale rebellion of the Kurdish national movement in Turkey. The main organizer of this rebellion was the Kurdish Independent Society, Azadi. Azadi’s intention was to liberate Kurds from Turkish oppression and thus deliver freedom and further, develop their country. By March of 1925 the revolt was pretty much over. Sheikh Said and all the other rebel leaders were hanged by June 29th. The rebellion failed however and, by 1929, Ihsan Nuri’s movement was in control of a large expanse of Kurdish territory and, with help from Iran, the revolt was put down by the year 1930.^[7]

[edit] Rebellion of Sheikh Abdurrahman, 1927

In Fall of 1927 Sheikh Abdurrahman (brother of Sheikh Said) began a series of attacks on Turkish garrisons in Palu and Malatya. Districts of Lice, Bingöl were captured by the rebels. They also occupied the heights south of Erzurum. Turkish military used air force against the rebels using five airplanes in Mardin. In October 1927, Kurdish rebels attacked and occupied Bayazid. The brother of Sheikh Said tried to exact revenge on the Turkish government by attacking several army bases in Kurdistan. Nothing permanent was accomplished. They were driven out after Turkish reinforcements arrived in the area.^[8]

[edit] Agiri (Ağrı, Ararat) Rebellion, 1927-1930

Main article: Republic of Ararat

The Republic of Ararat was a self-proclaimed Kurdish state. It was located in the east of modern Turkey, being centered on Ağrı Province.(2)The Republic of Ararat was declared independent in 1927, during a wave of rebellion among Kurds in south-eastern Turkey. The Rebellion was led by General İhsan Nuri Pasha. However it was not recognized by other states, and lacked foreign support. ^[9]

Despite the failure of Shaykh Said and Azadi, Kurdish intellectuals and nationalist leaders continued to plan for an independent Kurdistan. Many of these nationalists met in October 1927 and not only proclaimed the independence of Kurdistan, but also formed Khoybun (Independence), a “supreme national organ … with full and exclusive national and international powers”. This new organization’s leadership believed the key to success in the struggle for an independent Kurdistan lay not in tribal allegiances, but in a “properly conceived, planned and organized” military enterprise.

After establishing leadership, Khoybun sought the aid of many influential European forces to help supply the Kurdish nationalist military endeavor. Despite their displeasure with the Kemalist regime, however, neither the British nor the French gave much support to Khoybun. According to Safrastian, the European powers, once supportive of Kurdish independence, were swayed by Turkish media and press reports. With little aid from Europe, Khoybun eventually settled for the support of the Armenian Dashnak Party, the Shah of Persia, and fellow Kurds such as Shaykh Ahmad Barzani, leader of the Iraqi Kurdistan Barzani tribe. Syrian Kurds also came to the aid of Khoybun, cutting railroads, pillaging Turkish villages, and conducting guerrilla assaults.

By 1928, Ihsan Nuri Pasha had assembled a small group of soldiers armed with modern weapons and trained in infantry tactics. This force initiated the Khoybun revolt, marching towards Mount Ararat. Nuri and his men not only achieved success in reaching Mount Ararat, but they were able to secure the towns of Bitlis, Van, and most of the countryside around Lake Van, establishing a notable area of Kurdish resistance.

The biggest blow to Khoybun’s Ararat revolt, however, came from Persia. Although initially supportive of Kurdish resistance, the Persian government did not resist Turkish military advances into Persia to surround Mount Ararat. Persian frontier guardsmen also began to close the Persian-Turkish border to non-essential travelers, including Kurdish tribes attempting to reinforce the revolt. Persia would eventually, completely, submit to Turkish operational demands, trading the land surrounding Mount Ararat for Turkish land near Qutur and Barzirgan. The organized revolt on Mount Ararat was defeated by the fall of 1930, although the Turks waited until the following spring to attack any remaining tribal dissenters. Similar to the outcome of previous Kurdish uprisings, the Turkish government was merciless to the rebels.^[10]

By the end of summer 1930, the Turkish Air Force was bombing Kurdish positions around Mt. Ararat from all directions. According to General Ihsan Nuri Pasha, the military superiority of Turkish Air Force demoralized Kurds and led to their capitulation.^[11]On July 13th, the rebellion in Zilan was suppressed. Squadrons of 10-15 aircraft were used in crushing the revolt. On July 16th, two Turkish planes were downed and their pilots were killed by the Kurds. Aerial bombardment continued for several days and forced Kurds to withdraw to the height of 5,000 meters. By July 21st, bombardment had destroyed many Kurdish forts. During these operations, Turkish military mobilized 66,000 soldiers and 100 aircraft. The campaign against the Kurds was over by September 17th, 1930. The Ararat rebellion was defeated in 1931, and Turkey resumed control over the territory.^[12]

[edit] Dersim Rebellion, 1937

Main article: Dersim Rebellion

The most important rebellion in the wake of all these defeats was in 1937-38, based around the Kizilbash heartland of Dersim, which was itself part of a region marked for total evacuation by Ankara ^[13]. This situation had a lengthy background. As already mentioned, even the Ottomans had been unable to make the Dersimlis pay taxes or recognize any authority other than their own. Atatürk and the new Turkish Republic was determined to solve this problem. As early as 1926, a report was made to the Turkish Parliament on behalf of the Interior Ministry. This said: 'Dersim is an abscess on the Turkish Republic and it must be removed, for the sake of the country's well-being'. The report said it would be useless to try and win the allegiance of Dersimlis by building hospitals, factories and so forth in Dersim. Only stern measures would suffice.^[14]

The parliament resolved to be rid of this problem for good, and drafted a new law, containing extreme measures to achieve this goal. When this law ^[15] was being introduced to the parliament, the Interior Minister, Sukru Kaya, complained that the troublesome province had its own civil law and jurisprudence system, and its own criminal code. It was even administering its own punishments itself. In different times in the past, there had been eleven military actions - but no lasting success. In his view, this was because the people were in poverty and they had guns. Instead of military action being a short-term solution, it had to finish this problem at once, and bring the Dersimlis under the law of the Turkish Republic.^[16]

The 1937-38 Dersim uprising can be seen as actually two separate uprisings, separated by a particularly hard winter. The first war went from late March 1937 to November 1937, while the second war began in April 1938 and lasted until December 1938. The Dersim Rebellion was led by the local traditional Kizilbash elites, at the head of whom stood Seyt Riza, chief of the Abbasusha'i tribe ^[17] Local intellectual cadres also played a role in the rising's leadership, according to one source. The Alevi inhabitants of this region had not been part of the Hamidiye and had not been part of Sheikh Said's rebellion ^[18] In contrast, important Kurmancî Kurdish nationalist dynasties such as the Bedirxans played no part in the Dersim revolt ^[19]. Seyt Riza, Nûrî Dersimi and other Dersimli leaders had already drawn up a list of demands, including: orders for the arrest of the assassin of Seyt Riza's son;22 a halt to the massing of the Turkish military guard in the region; a halt to the construction of bridges and of the creation of new districts; a halt to the collection of arms by Turkish authorities, and of the continuation of the payment of taxes on merchandise to Dersimlis ^[20].

The Dersimlis were never to receive any outside assistance against the Kemalists' determined military onslaught. Finally, a top secret 4 May 1938 decision of the Turkish Cabinet resolved that Turkish military forces which had previously been massed in the area would attack Nazimiye, Keçigezek (Asha¹i bar) Sin and Karao'lan very strongly, and: This time all the people in the area will be collected and deported out of the area and this collection operation will attack the villages without warning and collect the people. To do this, we will collect the people as well as the arms they have. At the moment, we are ready to deport 2,000 people ^[21]. It was also resolved in this same decision to respond to any armed resistance by rendering such opposition 'incapable of movement on the spot and until the end', to destroy the houses of such resisters, and to deport the remainder of their families. Beshikçi asks why the decision does not read as an instruction to the military to simply deport all such rebel families. He concludes that this is because it is clear that the true meaning of the euphemism rendering the rebels 'incapable of movement' was to kill them. ^[22]

The Turkish authorities made extensive use of warplanes, to bomb and strafe Dersimli targets. According to an Alevi participant in the uprising, after aircraft bombed villages, villagers ran out of the villages and were then frequently cut down by the Turkish Military. One of many examples given by this source occurred in the Kozluca area, in mid-1937. The wife and extended family of Seyt Riza were included in this group of mostly women and children fleeing Turkish warplanes. The soldiers surrounded the villagers and began putting them to death. About 1,000 defenseless villagers were killed^[23]. Another mass killing technique used against Dersimli civilians reported in the same Turkish army account cited earlier, was to throw dynamite in caves where villagers had fled. Beshikçi reports one such incident, in Demenan, where 216 Dersimlis were killed in this manner^[24].

Seyt Riza was himself captured by the Kemalists on 5 September 1937 and was hanged, together with ten of his lieutenants, on 18 November25 ^[25]. Immediately before his death, Seyt Riza made a speech, in Zazaki (Dimli): 'I am 75 years old, I am becoming a martyr, I am joining the Kurdistan Martyrs. Kurdish youth will get revenge. Down with oppressors! Down with the fickle and liars!'. ^[26]Then, defiant to the end, Seyt Riza put the noose on his own neck, pushed the executioner out of the way and executed himself.^[27]

This was the most devastating political defeat until that point for the Turkish Kurmancî Kurds - as well as for the ethnically different Zazas and Kizilbash. The resistance movement of the latter was shattered for the next three decades. Retribution by Turkish forces claimed at least 40,000 Dersimlis, who were deported and massacred following this defeat ^[28].(1) So great was the burden of opposition carried by these 'Kurds of convenience' that their military and political smashing meant that all particularistic opposition to the Kemalist Turkish state was impossible without at least the beginning of the reconstitution of a Kizilbash or Zaza reorganization.

[edit] Notes

1. Musa Anter [Hatiralarim: 46-47], relates the account of a young Turkish officer, who stated: During the cleaning operation, we had found a family in a grotto: the grandfather, the father, the mother, and a boy of 5-6 years. The adults were executed immediately, whereas the small boy was with us, for we wanted him to show us where to find others. He said nothing. We had given him some sweets to eat - he refused. At a given moment, one of our planes flew over us. The small boy stood up, took a stick, directing it towards our plane and chasing our plane with his stick. I was angry myself. I gave the order to execute him. They executed him and he was thrown from the top of the cliffs. We continued the cleaning operation.
2. Ağrı, the name of the Turkish province, is the Turkish name for Ararat.

[edit] References

[edit] External Links

• Kurdish Peshmerga
• Kurdinfo (Platform)
• Encyclopaedia of Kurdistan - KURDISTANICA
• Political Resources on the Net - Kurdistan
• World Statesmen
• Kurds - A People Without a State
• The Emergence of Kurdish Nationalism and Shaikl Said Rebellion
• Ethnic Differentiation Among the Kurds

[edit] See also

• RAF Iraq Command