History of the Constitution of the Roman Empire

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In the year 88 BC, Lucius Cornelius Sulla was elected consul of the Roman Republic. That year, a civil war began. While it would end within a decade, it was the first in a series civil wars. By the year 30 BC, with the suicide of Mark Antony, the last of these civil wars had finally come to an end. The general who had defeated Mark Antony, Gaius Octavian, was now the master of the state. Octavian was the great nephew of Julius Caesar, who had been assassinated in 44 BC. After Caesar's assassination, his will was made public. In it, Caesar adopted Octavian as his son and heir.

In the years after Antony's defeat, Octavian would set out to reform the Roman constitution. The ultimate consequence of these reforms was the abolition of the republic. Octavian would be given the name "Augustus" by the senate, and become known to history as the first Roman Emperor.

While it is true that Octavian sought power for himself, it is also true that the old constitution had ceased to function properly. This simple fact caused much of the turmoil of the prior century. The constitution at the end of the republic was similar to the constitution that had emerged centuries earlier, when Roman territory did not extend beyond central Italy.

Octavian's reforms did not, at the time, seem drastic. The only apparent change was a reorganization of the constitutional structure. The old offices and institutions were not altered in any other way. However, this simple reorganization was the most drastic change in the history of the Roman constitution. Even the changes that occurred during the transition from the old monarchy to the republic were gradual. Most of Octavian's changes, in contrast, only took a decade to implement. The reorganization was revolutionary because the ultimate result was that Octavian ended up with control over the entire constitution.

During the reigns of future emperors, the constitution that Octavian had left behind would transition into outright monarchy. Finally, by the third century, the emperor Diocletian would reform the constitution once more (see History of the Constitution of the Late Roman Empire). Diocletian's reforms corrected many of the flaws in Octavian's constitution, just as Octavian's reforms had corrected the flaws in the old republican constitution. Diocletian's constitution survived, in one form or another, until the ultimate fall of the Roman Empire in 476.

Contents

[edit] Augustus' Constitutional Reforms

Octavian returned to Rome two years after defeating Mark Antony at the Battle of Actium. With Antony's defeat, no one remained to oppose Octavian. The situation in Italy in 29 BC was similar to the situation that Octavian had returned to a decade earlier, following the Battle of Philippi.[1] Decades of war had taken a terrible toll on the People of Rome. The political situation was unstable, with a constant threat of renewed warfare. Italy was stricken by famine and economic stagnation. In addition, a new policy was needed to deal with Antony's former soldiers.[1]

Octavian's arrival alone caused a wave of optimism to ripple throughout Italy.[1] As soon as he arrived, he began addressing the problems that were plaguing Rome. He adopted the same liberal policy in dealing with the post-Actium issues that he had adopted after Philippi. He declared a general amnesty for the former soldiers of both Antony and Sextus Pompeius. He provided land for 120,000 former soldiers. The costs associated with these policies (possibly as much as 600 million sesterces) were paid for with the treasuries that were taken from Egypt. Confiscation, the method that had been used by Octavian and Antony a decade earlier, was not used again.[1] As soon as these reforms had been implemented, the price of land began to rise, and trade was revived. As a result, Octavian's popularity reached new heights. Octavian now had the support that he needed to implement his reforms.

Once the immediate domestic issues had been addressed, Octavian realized that he had a bigger problem to deal with. He realized that as long as the underlying constitutional flaws remained uncorrected, more turmoil was inevitable. Therefore, he realized that he had to begin a process of reforming the dysfunctional constitution.

[edit] The constitutional reforms of 29 BC

In 36 BC, Octavian had been vested with perpetual tribunician powers (potestas tribunicia). A decade earlier, Julius Caesar had been vested with similar powers. When Octavian deposed Antony in 32 BC, he probably resigned his position as triumvir.[2] However, that year he was vested with powers similar to those that he had given up. In 29 BC, another alteration was made to his legal status. We know very little about this change, other than that it involved the granting to Octavian of consular imperium. With this, he was given control over the army and the provinces. This alteration probably also gave him the authority to take a census.[2]

[edit] The constitutional reforms of 27 BC

This article is part of the

Roman Constitution series.

Roman Senate
Roman Assemblies
Roman Magistrates
History of the Roman Constitution

Constitution of the Roman Kingdom

Senate of the Roman Kingdom
Legislative Assemblies of the Roman Kingdom
Executive Magistrates of the Roman Kingdom
History of the Constitution of the Roman Kingdom

Constitution of the Roman Republic

Senate of the Roman Republic
Legislative Assemblies of the Roman Republic
Executive Magistrates of the Roman Republic
History of the Constitution of the Roman Republic

Constitution of the Roman Empire

Senate of the Roman Empire
Legislative Assemblies of the Roman Empire
Executive Magistrates of the Roman Empire
History of the Constitution of the Roman Empire

Constitution of the Late Roman Empire

History of the Constitution of the Late Roman Empire

Octavian wanted to solidify his status as master of the state, but avoid the fate of his adopted father. On January 13, 27 BC, Octavian transferred control of the state back to the Senate and the People of Rome.[2] In all likelihood, Octavian knew what the result of such a move would be. Without Octavian, Rome could again descend into chaos and civil war.

Neither the Senate nor the People of Rome were willing to accept what was, in effect, Octavian's resignation. The senate allowed Octavian to remain consul. It also allowed him to retain his tribunician powers (potestas tribunicia). Under this arrangement, Octavian would now have colleagues who could veto any of his actions. He was probably concerned that his former position appeared to be too monarchical. Now, however, he appeared to be re-integrated into the constitutional apparatus. His prestige, however, removed any real risk that a colleague would attempt to obstruct him.[3].

This arrangement, in effect, functioned as a popular ratification of his position within the state. If the Senate and the People of Rome wouldn't let him leave office, so the theory would go, then he could not be considered a tyrant. He may have appeared to the Romans to be a modern Pericles. Pericles governed Athens for 16 continuous years. Pericles, like Octavian, was continuously reelected by shear virtue of his popularity. Pericles was the great Greek democrat and constitutionalist who presided over the "Athenian Golden Age". Unlike Pericles, however, Octavian's actual position was more monarchical than it was constitutional.

The senate then granted Octavian a unique grade of proconsular imperium (imperium proconsulare) for a period of ten years.[4] Octavian's imperium was superior to the imperium held by the ordinary proconsuls. Thus, he had both power and authority over all proconsuls. Since proconsular imperium was of an equal grade as consular imperium, Octavian probably outranked even the consuls. Since his power was superior to both consuls and proconsuls, he was probably considered to outrank both praetors and propraetors.

Under the old republic, the proconsuls governed the more challenging provinces. Therefore, the legions were mostly stationed in these provinces. Under the old system, the praetors and propraetors governed the more stable provinces. These provinces, therefore, had very little military infrastructure. Octavian allowed the senate to retain control over these praetorial provinces. This appeared to be a sharing of power between Octavian and the senate. However, the result was that Octavian now controlled most of the Roman army.[3]

No prior office, other than the dictatorship and the old monarchy, had ever been granted such vast powers. Octavian was also granted the title of "Augustus" by the senate.[4] With this, he was made the master of the state by the Senate and the People of Rome. He also took the title of Princeps, or "first citizen".[3] In this, he attempted to establish himself as the "first among equals" rather than as a king. At this point in time, monarchy was still repugnant to most Romans. He had taken the dictatorial powers that his adopted father had taken almost twenty years before, but had done so in the spirit of the republican constitution.

[edit] The constitutional reforms of 23 BC

In 23 BC, Augustus (as Octavian now called himself) again attempted to reform the constitution.[3] It is not known why he chose to reform the constitution at this point. Four years had passed since his last reforms, and this may have given him the opportunity to discover the weaknesses that were inherent in those reforms.[3] In addition, he almost died in 23 BC. Therefore, he may have realized that he may not have another chance to modify his constitution.

To Augustus, one major weakness in his constitution was a consequence of his status as consul.[5] While it is true that his prestige minimized the risk of obstruction at the hands of a co-consul, this risk still existed. It was also unusual (and unprecedented) for an individual to be elected to the consulship nine times over a span of nine years, as Octavian had been. Ordinarily, consuls had to wait for ten years before standing for reelection to a second consular term. In addition, tradition did subject the consulship to certain restrictions. The traditional etiquette shown by the two members of the consular college toward each other was one such restriction.[5] While Augustus did consider the possibility to making himself sole consul, he realized that this was too radical of a departure from tradition. Therefore, as a 'concession', he gave up his consulship. He then modified and extended both his proconsular imperium and his tribunician powers.[5]

It is not known exactly how Augustus modified his proconsular imperium (imperium proconsulare). It is known, however, that he was allowed to retain this imperium in the city of Rome.[5] Normally, any magistrate would have to surrender their imperium while they were inside the city. Since Augustus now held his imperium inside the city itself, he was not subject to the same checks on that power (such as a prohibition against executing a citizen at will) that other magistrates were subject to. In addition, his proconsular imperium was formally modified to give him both a status and an authority above even a consul.[5] Before this modification, he had both only because of his prestige and his grade of imperium. Now, however, this status was officially codified. By gaining consular status through a proconsular route, he avoided the need to remain consul. Thus, he avoided subjecting himself to the restrictions that consuls were subject to.

By strengthening his proconsular imperium, he also strengthened his power over Roman citizens. Since these changes gave him an unprecedented ability to coerce citizens, he risked damaging his popularity. To compensate for this risk, he had his tribunician powers (potestas tribunicia)[5] modified. The tribunate was a natural fit for an autocrat who sought to maintain popularity with the people. The tribunate was a popular office, because of its populist history. In the early republic, it was the principle vehicle through which plebeians gained political power. In the later republic, it was the principle vehicle through which the plebeians were protected against the abuses of the state.[5]

The tribunes had strong positive powers (such as the right to convene the Concilium Plebis) and strong negative powers (such as the right to veto an act of the senate). The tribunate, unlike the consulship, was radical by nature.[6] During the years of the republic, some of the most radical reforms (such as those of Tiberius and Gaius Gracchus) were enacted through the tribunate. Augustus' modifications didn't change the actual powers associated with the office. Instead, Augustus simply displayed his tribunician status more vividly. While he held tribunician powers since 36 BC, these powers were never renewed. After 23 BC, however, he would have these powers renewed every year. In official documents, he would indicate the number of years that had elapsed since he first held tribunician power.[6]

After these reforms had been instituted, Augustus never again altered his constitution.[6] At various points, the people demanded that he take more powers, but he refused. His refusal, in all likelihood, helped to further strengthen both his prestige and his popularity. His proconsular imperium gave him command of the Roman army. The fact that he held these powers inside the city of Rome, along with his tribunician powers, meant that he had unchallenged control over the civil apparatus in Rome. In a few instances, he had to exercise powers that he did not legally have. In these instances, he secured the passage of temporary legislation that gave him such powers.[6] In 13 BC, when his proconsular imperium expired, he secured its renewal.

[edit] The question of secession

Augustus' final goal was to figure out a method to ensure an orderly succession. Under Augustus' constitution, the Senate and the People of Rome held the supreme power. This was how it had been throughout the monarchy and then the republic. All of Augustus' special powers were granted for either a fixed term, or for life. Therefore, Augustus could not transfer his powers to a successor upon his death.[7] Any successor would need to have powers that were independent of Augustus' own powers.

During Augustus' illness in 23 BC, he had chosen Agrippa to be his successor.[7] He had considered the possibility of making his nephew Marcellus his successor, but decided that Marcellus was too young. In 21 BC, Marcellus died. Augustus married Agrippa his daughter Julia. In 18 BC, Augustus enacted a law that granted Agrippa tribunician powers for a period of five years.[7] This set a precedent, which future emperors would follow. By granting an individual tribunician powers, future emperors would give their chosen successor the legal authority necessary to claim that title of Princeps.

Agrippa and Julia would have two sons, Gaius and Lucius Caesar.[7] Augustus designated them as possible heirs by granting upon both tribunician powers. In 12 BC, Agrippa died. In 6 BC, Augustus granted these tribunician powers to his stepson Tiberius.[7] Tiberius' tribunician powers were to expire in 1 BC. However, Gaius and Lucius Caesar soon died.[8] Augustus, who never thought highly of Tiberius, realized that he had no choice but to recognize Tiberius as his heir. This disappointment may have been mitigated due to the fact that Tiberius had proven himself a competent general. In 1 BC, Tiberius' tribunician powers were renewed. In 13 AD, the point was settled beyond question. A law was passed, called the lex consularis. This law linked Augustus' power over the provinces with that of Tiberius.[8] Now, Tiberius' legal powers were equivalent to, and independent from, those of Augustus.[8] Within a year, Augustus was dead.

[edit] From Tiberius to Nero

When Augustus died in 14 AD, the Principate legally ended.[9] While Augustus granted Tiberius the legal standing that Tiberius would need in order to become Princeps, Augustus could not legally make Tiberius Princeps. However, Tiberius' legal powers, as well as his status as the chosen heir of Augustus, gave him an opportunity that his ambition could not refuse. Tiberius knew that if he secured the support of the army, the rest of the government would soon follow. Therefore, Tiberius assumed command of the praetorian guard, and used his proconsular imperium to force the armies to swear allegiance to him.[9] As soon as this occurred, the senate and the magistrates acquiesced. Tiberius' efforts were so successful, that when the senate declared him Princeps, he made his acceptance appear to be a concession to the demands of the senators.[9]

The constitutional modifications which occurred under Tiberius were tantamount to a recognition of the realities that he had inherited. The power to elect magistrates was transferred from the assemblies to the senate.[10] Now, the assemblies were only used to hear the results of magisterial elections. The assemblies did retain some theoretical legislative powers. This modification simply returned to the senate the power to elect the chief executive, which it had originally held under the old monarchy.[10]

When Tiberius died, Caligula was proclaimed emperor by the senate. Caligula transferred the electoral powers back to the assemblies. However, he quickly returned those powers to the senate.[10] In 41, Caligula was assassinated. For two days following his assassination, the senate debated the merits of restoring the republic.[11] Due to the demands of the army, however, Claudius was ultimately declared emperor. Claudius' antiquarian interests resulted in his attempt to revive the old censorship, and to return some degree of independence back to the senate.[12] Ultimately, Claudius was killed, and Nero was declared emperor.

[edit] The year of confusion

Arguably, the most significant flaw in the constitution left by Augustus concerned the matter of succession. This deadly flaw was violently exposed in the year 69.[13] Augustus had established a standing army, where individual soldiers would serve in the same province for an extended period of time. There was some precedent from the republic for this. However, it was this republican reality that led to events such as Sulla's march on Rome. To make matters worse, Augustus had assigned governors to a single province for extended periods of time. There was very little republican precedent for this. The consequence was that the soldiers in the provinces developed a degree of loyalty to their commanders, which they did not have for the emperor. The empire was, in a sense, a union of inchoate principalities. This reality had the potential to lead to an immediate disintegration of the empire.[13]

[edit] The accession of Galba

The first indication of a nationalist movement appeared in Gaul in 68.[14] The movement ended when its leader, C. Julius Vindex, was defeated by an army under L. Verginius Rufus. Rufus was the governor of Upper Germany. Rufus was then declared imperator by his soldiers. He decided not to use his support to march on Rome and make himself emperor. He did not decline this opportunity because he was loyal to the emperor Nero, but rather because of his own low birth. He felt that his low birth would make it difficult for him to accomplish anything as emperor.[14]

Shortly after Rufus had been declared imperator, Ser. Sulpicius Galba was proclaimed emperor by his troops.[14] Galba, who was governor of Hispania Tarraconensis, was then proclaimed emperor by Rufus' troops. In Rome, the emperor Nero quickly lost his supporters. Then, on June 9 of 68, he committed suicide. Galba, however, did not prove to be a wise leader. He chose to punish Rufus' troops. He revoked the command of Rufus, who was still quite popular. He also antagonized the praetorian guard by not fulfilling promises which had been made to them.[14]

[edit] Otho and Vitellius

The governor of Lower Germany, A. Vitellius, was soon proclaimed emperor by his troops. In Rome, the praetorian guard proclaimed M. Salvius Otho emperor.[14] In January of 69, Galba was assassinated. The senate proclaimed Otho emperor. Otho took an army to Germany, to defeat Vitellius. However, he himself was defeated by Vitellius. In April of 69, he committed suicide.[14] Vitellius was then proclaimed emperor by the senate. Another general, Vespasian, soon defeated Vitellius. Vitellius was executed, and Vespasian was named Augustus, elected consul, and given tribunician powers.[15]

[edit] The constitutional flaw

The result of these events illustrated a key weakness in Augustus' constitution. The method of succession was in part based on heredity.[16] If a dead emperor's next-of-kin had the support of the praetorian guard, then his installation as emperor was reasonably assured. However, with Nero's death, the Julian line had been extinguished. Thus, the events of 69 showed that the armies in the provinces were the ultimate 'electoral bodies'. Now, any successful general could legitimately claim a right to the throne.[16] It also became apparent that, while the senate would acquiesce to the installation of a new emperor, such acquiescence was simply a matter of form. This flaw would contribute to the ultimate fall of the Roman Empire.

[edit] The Flavian emperors

On July 1, 69, Vespasian became emperor.[15] Vespasian was the first emperor (with the exception of the pretenders Galba, Otho and Vitellius) who was not of the Julian line.

[edit] Vespasian

Under Vespasian, the Roman constitution began a slide toward outright monarchy. This early slide reached its apex during the reign of his son, Domitian.

Vespasian appointed citizens throughout the empire to the senate.[17] He also granted individuals throughout the empire citizenship.[17] Before Vespasian, one usually had to be elected to a magisterial office before they could become a senator. Since the senate elected individuals to magisterial offices, the senate controlled its own membership. Now, however, the senate lost control over its own membership. This act alone weakened the prestige, and thus the power, of the senate. It also weakened the magisterial offices.[17]

Under the republic, the senate was theoretically an advisory council to the executive (the consul). In practice, however, the senate was actually independent of the consul. Over time, the prestige of the senate became greater than that of even the consul. Under Vespasian, the senate returned to its original role as an advisory council.

Vespasian's reforms, however, did a great deal to strengthen the empire.[18] The honors which the emperor could now bestow upon any citizen were highly sought after. Individuals who had received such honors were proud of them, and as a consequence became more loyal to the emperor. Individuals who had not yet received such honors sought to earn them. The result was that the central government was strengthened. Several future emperors (such as Trajan, Hadrian, and Marcus Aurelius) would emerge as a consequence of these reforms.[18]

Despite the success that Vespasian had in strengthening the empire, he failed to address the issue of succession. He may have chosen not to address this issue because, with two sons, he was easily able to secure the accession of his own successor.[18] He had made his son, Titus, his colleague in both the consulship and the censorship. He granted him the tribunician power in 71. Following his successes in Judea, Vespasian granted Titus the honorary title of imperator.[18] Vespasian died in 79.

[edit] Titus

Titus' reign did not last long enough for him to enact many constitutional changes. His reign, however, saw a further weakening in the power of the senate.[19] He was succeeded by his brother, Domitian, in 81.

[edit] Domitian

Domitian's reign marked a significant turning point on the road to monarchy.[19] In 84, Domitian made himself censor for life. His father had done the same, but Vespasian had used these powers to reorganize the state's finances. Domitian, in contrast, used the censorial powers to further subjugate the senate by controlling its membership.[19] He also changed the law so that he could preside over capital trials against senators.

Also in 84, Domitian made himself consul for ten years. The manner in which he was able to dominate his consular colleagues helped to further illustrate the powerlessness of the consulship.[19] To reduce the risk of an armed uprising against him, Domitian ensured that no single general could command more than two legions at once.[20]

Domitian did, however, divide the empire into smaller administrative units. This system was quite efficient, and would be revived two centuries later by the emperor Diocletian.

Domitian, ultimately, was a tyrant with the character which always makes tyranny repulsive.[21] This character derived, in part, from his own paranoia. His paranoia was a consequence of the fact that he had no son. Since he had no son, and thus no obvious heir, he was constantly in danger of being overthrown.[21] Thus, the unresolved issue of succession again proved to be deadly. In September of 96, Domitian was murdered.

[edit] From Nerva to the abolition of the Principate

Around this time, the empire was beginning to weaken. It was becoming more difficult to recruit enough soldiers for the army from Italy alone. Inflation was becoming a problem, and the empire almost went bankrupt under Marcus Aurelius. The most significant constitutional development during this era was the steady drift towards monarchy. Commodus in particular illustrated the fiction that was the illusion of shared power between the emperor and the senate. The senate was becoming utterly powerless. Hadrian's bureaucratic reorganization in particular reduced the relevance of the senate, because many of the senate's functions were transferred to the new bureaucracy.

[edit] Nerva

It is not known exactly how M. Cocceius Nerva became emperor, although he was probably supported by the conspirators who overthrew Domitian. His reign, which only lasted for two years, was too short for any major constitutional reforms to be enacted. He did, however, reverse some of the abuses that his predecessor was responsible for. For example, he ended (during his reign at least) the practice of prosecuting individuals for disrespecting the emperor.[22]

[edit] Trajan

In 97, Nerva adopted M. Ulpius Trajanus, who was serving as governor of Upper Germany at the time. When Nerva died in January of 98, Trajan succeeded him without opposition. Trajan went further than even Nerva had in restoring the republican illusion.[22] He refused to preside over capital trials against senators, and observed the precedent of freedom of speech during senate meetings. He was away from Rome for such extended periods that the senate even regained some independent legislative abilities.[22] In addition, he showed respect for the republican magisterial offices by only holding the consulship four times during his nineteen year reign.[22] Domitian, in contrast, held the consulship for ten years during his fifteen year reign.[23]

[edit] Hadrian

Hadrian succeeded Trajan as emperor. By far, his most important constitutional alteration was his creation of a bureaucratic apparatus.[23] This apparatus included a fixed gradation of offices, and a corresponding order of promotion. The roles of each office were clearly defined. And many of the functions that had been outsourced in the past, such as tax collection, were now to be performed by the state.[23]

[edit] Antonius Pius

Hadrian adopted Antonius Pius, and made him his heir. He died shortly after the adoption. No real changes to the constitution were made during the reign of Antonius Pius.[24] He made Marcus Aurelius his heir in 161, and died shortly after.

[edit] Marcus Aurelius

The most significant constitutional development that occurred during the reign of Marcus Aurelius was the revival of the republican principle of collegiality.[24] He made his brother, L. Aelius, his co-emperor. Marcus Aurelius ruled the western half of the empire, while his brother ruled the eastern half of the empire. In 169, Aelius died. In 176, Marcus Aurelius found a new co-emperor in his son, L. Aurelius Commodus. This arrangement would be revived more than a century later, when the emperor Diocletian established the tetrarchy.

[edit] Commodus

In 180, Marcus Aurelius died, and Commodus became emperor. His tyranny revived the worst memories of the later Julian emperors.[25] He was more explicit than any of his predecessors in taking powers that he did not legally have, and in disregarding the constitution. He was killed in 192.

[edit] After Commodus

No further constitutional reforms were enacted during the Principate. The only event of any significance was the continuing slide towards monarchy. Starting in 235, with the reign of the barbarian emperor Maximinus Thrax, the empire was put through a period of severe military, civil, and economic stress. The crisis arguably reached it height during the reign of Gallienus, from 260 to 268. The crisis ended with the accession of Diocletian in 284, and the abolishment of the Principate.

[edit] See also


[edit] References

  • Abbott, Frank Frost (1901). A History and Description of Roman Political Institutions. Elibron Classics (ISBN 0-543-92749-0).
  • Byrd, Robert (1995). The Senate of the Roman Republic. U.S. Government Printing Office, Senate Document 103-23.
  • Cicero, Marcus Tullius (1841). The Political Works of Marcus Tullius Cicero: Comprising his Treatise on the Commonwealth; and his Treatise on the Laws. Translated from the original, with Dissertations and Notes in Two Volumes. By Francis Barham, Esq. London: Edmund Spettigue. Vol. 1.
  • Lintott, Andrew (1999). The Constitution of the Roman Republic. Oxford University Press (ISBN 0-19-926108-3).
  • Polybius (1823). The General History of Polybius: Translated from the Greek. By Mr. Hampton. Oxford: Printed by W. Baxter. Fifth Edition, Vol 2.
  • Taylor, Lily Ross (1966). Roman Voting Assemblies: From the Hannibalic War to the Dictatorship of Caesar. The University of Michigan Press (ISBN 0-472-08125-X).

[edit] Notes

  1. ^ a b c d Abbott, 266
  2. ^ a b c Abbott, 267
  3. ^ a b c d e Abbott, 269
  4. ^ a b Abbott, 268
  5. ^ a b c d e f g Abbott, 270
  6. ^ a b c d Abbott, 271
  7. ^ a b c d e Abbott, 272
  8. ^ a b c Abbott, 273
  9. ^ a b c Abbott, 289
  10. ^ a b c Abbott, 292
  11. ^ Abbott, 293
  12. ^ Abbott, 294
  13. ^ a b Abbott, 296
  14. ^ a b c d e f Abbott, 297
  15. ^ a b Abbott, 305
  16. ^ a b Abbott, 298
  17. ^ a b c Abbott, 308
  18. ^ a b c d Abbott, 309
  19. ^ a b c d Abbott, 310
  20. ^ Abbott, 311
  21. ^ a b Abbott, 312
  22. ^ a b c d Abbott, 317
  23. ^ a b c Abbott, 318
  24. ^ a b Abbott, 319
  25. ^ Abbott, 320

[edit] Further reading

  • Ihne, Wilhelm. Researches Into the History of the Roman Constitution. William Pickering. 1853.
  • Johnston, Harold Whetstone. Orations and Letters of Cicero: With Historical Introduction, An Outline of the Roman Constitution, Notes, Vocabulary and Index. Scott, Foresman and Company. 1891.
  • Mommsen, Theodor. Roman Constitutional Law. 1871-1888
  • Tighe, Ambrose. The Development of the Roman Constitution. D. Apple & Co. 1886.
  • Von Fritz, Kurt. The Theory of the Mixed Constitution in Antiquity. Columbia University Press, New York. 1975.
  • The Histories by Polybius
  • Cambridge Ancient History, Volumes 9–13.
  • A. Cameron, The Later Roman Empire, (Fontana Press, 1993).
  • M. Crawford, The Roman Republic, (Fontana Press, 1978).
  • E. S. Gruen, "The Last Generation of the Roman Republic" (U California Press, 1974)
  • F. Millar, The Emperor in the Roman World, (Duckworth, 1977, 1992).
  • A. Lintott, "The Constitution of the Roman Republic" (Oxford University Press, 1999)

[edit] Primary sources

[edit] Secondary source material