Francis Urquhart
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Francis Urquhart is a fictional character created by Michael Dobbs. He appeared in a trilogy of novels: House of Cards in 1989, To Play the King in 1992 and The Final Cut in 1995. He was portrayed in television versions by Ian Richardson.
In the series Urquhart addressed the audience in asides, often quoting Shakespeare, or giving a knowing look to the camera. He would use the catchphrase, "You might very well think that; I couldn't possibly comment", or a variation thereon, as a deniable way of agreeing with people. The term has often been used in the real life Westminster, and in the media, since the BBC airing of House of Cards in 1990, and its sequels. The first series, which opens with the battle within the Conservative Party to succeed Margaret Thatcher as its leader and as Prime Minister, gained instant popularity when she actually did fall from power during its run.
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[edit] Background
Urquhart served for many years as Chief Whip of the Conservative Party. He was believed by most people to be an honest and decent man; as Lord 'Teddy' Billsborough remarks to Michael Samuels in House of Cards, 'Dull dog, but sound as a bell… But the odd thing about Francis Urquhart, is that he'd never stab you in the back, however much he disliked you. Not many left like Urquhart. Dying breed more's the pity.' Prior to events of the novel, the characterisation seems accurate, but when the new Prime Minister rejects a number of original ideas suggested by Urquhart, including a new memorandum for a Cabinet reshuffle where he holds a senior Cabinet post, Urquhart is revealed as an ambitious, vengeful and manipulative man who lusted after power and was willing to commit murder and blackmail to get it. (Dobbs chose his initials very deliberately [1]). He was encouraged by his equally amoral wife, Elizabeth.
The books reveal that Urquhart was a tutor before entering politics, and that he felt pressured by his family to live up to the memory of his older brother, Allistar, who died in the Second World War. He also comments in To Play the King, that his family was originally Scottish, but moved to England when James I took power — 'My family came south with James I. We were defenders of the English throne, before your family was ever heard of,' he says to the King when forcing his abdication. In the television version of The Final Cut, Urquhart claimed that he was born in the Scottish Highlands and flashback sequences feature him being in the Army, which earlier books suggest he was not. He is fond of hunting and shooting both at Chequers and his own original country estate (seen only in House of Cards) in Southampton.
[edit] Politics
Urqhuart is hard right-wing. His policies include abolishing the Arts Council, outlawing vagrancy, reintroducing conscription and banning pensioners from National Health Service treatment unless they have paid for Age Insurance. He once describes himself to his wife, Elizabeth in To Play the King, as to say: 'I'm not a brute, Elizabeth, just a plain, no-nonsense, old-fashioned Tory', often stating that people need to get off their backsides and take responsibility for their actions. He is contemptuous of the welfare state. He appears to be at least sceptical of the European Union. It is uncertain if he is racist as he deplores his rival Patrick Woolton's racism and anti-Semitism in House of Cards but in To Play the King he disparagingly refers to Chloe Carmichael, The King's Assistant Press Secretary, as 'the black girl', although this comment may have been made to catch the King off balance.
[edit] House of Cards
In the first series, Urquhart is denied the Cabinet promotion he craves and plots his revenge against the new Prime Minister Henry Collingridge. Each Government Department has a Whip attached who reports regularly to the Chief Whip. In addition, all delicate secrets and potential scandals are handled by the Chief Whip, who is in charge of discipline and morale on the backbenches. Urquhart exploits his position and inside knowledge, and he regularly leaks information and scandal to the press to undermine Collingridge and ultimately force him to resign. Most of his leaks are to his keen supporter Mattie Storin, a reporter for The Chronicle (however in the novel it is the real Telegraph), a (fictional) pro-Tory paper, whose thuggish proprietor Benjamin Landless, woos Urquhart with promises of lax competition in the election, as Landless expands his feared media empire of fat, wealthy, cruelty.
He then eliminates his enemies in the resulting leadership contest by means of scandals that he set up himself or had previously restored from secrecy of time, or brilliantly set up. These include threatening to publish photographs of Harold Earle (Education Secretary) receiving oral sex from a rent boy; causing Peter MacKenzie, the Health Minister, accidentally to run over a handicapped man; forcing Patrick Woolton, the Foreign Secretary, to withdraw by threatening him with a tape of his one-night stand with Penny Guy (secretary and mistress to his right-hand man Roger O'Neill). His remaining rival, Michael Samuels (Environment Secretary), is alleged by the tabloids to have been a 'gay lib commie' and CND-supporter at Cambridge (it is not clear whether Urquhart has a hand in this, but as Chief Whip he would have known about Samuels' liberal past; also in the book it is very clear that it was Urquhart who leaked the details to the press, using Roger O'Neill to steal the documents from Party Headquarters—the Sun and its like would need no encouragement to discredit a 'liberal' Tory like Samuels). Urquhart thereby reaches the brink of victory.
Prior to the final ballot he murders Roger O'Neill, whom he blackmailed into helping him to remove the Prime Minister from office. Urquhart invites O'Neill to his country house in Southampton, gets him drunk, and adds rat poison to his cocaine. This is because O'Neill has become unstable (due to his cocaine addiction and break-up with Penny) and knows too much about Urquhart's activities.
The ending of the novel and TV series differ significantly (indeed, only the ending and popularity of the TV series prompted the author Michael Dobbs to write the sequels). Mattie untangles Urquhart's web and confronts him in the deserted (and fictitious) roof garden of the Houses of Parliament. In the novel he commits suicide by jumping to his death. In the TV drama, he throws her off the roof, killing her, and claims she committed suicide. In the TV version Urquhart had gained her ultimate trust by having a sexual relationship with her (with his wife's consent). This was strangely paternal; when Urquhart informed her 'Now that is absurd, Mattie. You don't expect me to fall for that. I'm old enough to be your father,' she seems to be further attracted to him, and called him 'daddy.' Shortly after murdering her, he is driven to Buckingham Palace to be invited by the Queen to form a government as Prime Minister. He does not know that Mattie was taping their final conversation and that someone would find the tape.
[edit] To Play the King
The second instalment starts with Francis Urquhart, in his second term as Prime Minister, feeling a sense of anti-climax. Having gained great power and influence, he wonders how to use them. His wife comments that he needs 'Something or someone to present you with a new challenge. Something to stimulate you intellectually. Bring out the best in you.' This challenge is shortly provided in the form of the new King (modelled to some extent on Prince Charles). The King has a strong social conscience, and is concerned about Urquhart's hard-line policies. He does not directly criticise Urquhart in public, but makes speeches about the direction he wishes the country to pursue, which contrasts with the Government's policies. Urquhart wins the confidence of the King's estranged wife (probably based on Princess Diana) and uses his influence in the press to reveal intimate and scandalous secrets concerning the Royal Family. The King is dragged into campaigning on behalf of the Opposition during a general election which Urquhart wins, creating a constitutional crisis and finally forcing the King to abdicate in favour of his teenage son (probably based on Prince William), whom Urquhart expects to be a much less governmentally influential Monarch.
Urquhart also removes his former ally and Party Chairman, Tim Stamper after he learns of Mattie's tape that Stamper acquired it and now, embittered by Urquart's failure to give him what he sees as his justified reward for thirty years of friendly loyalty. He also eliminates his own aide (and lover) Sarah Harding, in whom Stamper had confided. Both perish in car explosions, made to appear as IRA terrorist attacks, arranged by his bodyguard, Commander Corder.
With a tame Monarch and no threat in sight, Urquhart is secure as Prime Minister.
[edit] The Final Cut
The last installment in the trilogy portrays an embattled and increasingly unpopular man who is determined to 'beat that bloody woman's record' of longevity as Prime Minister. He is aware that, like all statesmen, he will not rule forever and he is determined to 'make my mark on the [world].' He sets about reuniting Cyprus, both to secure his and his wife's legacy, and to gain substantial revenue for 'The Urquhart Trust', from a Turkish Cypriot businessman, Nures, who informs Urquhart of an international sea boundary deal, that consequently gives the exploitation rights for offshore oil to the British and the Turks. But his past is catching up with him—a tenacious Cypriot girl and her father are determined to prove that he murdered her uncles, Georgios and Eurypides, while serving as a young officer in Cyprus during the unrest that preceded independence in 1956. He also sacks his more liberal and pro-European Foreign Secretary, Tom Makepeace, who is fed up with not being allowed to do his job and having Urquhart take the credit for the Cyprus deal (and publicly dismisses Makepeace's role as having been 'loaded down with much of the "donkey-work",'), leaving Makepeace free to challenge Urquhart for the Party Leadership.
After disastrous events in Cyprus, Urquhart is shot dead at the unveiling of the Margaret Thatcher memorial, having been Prime Minister for four-thousand-two-hundred-twenty-eight days—one day longer than Thatcher. In the TV series, Urquhart's bodyguard, Commander Corder, arranges his assassination with the consent of his wife (who is implied to be Corder's lover—Urquhart knows this and does not object) to stop the dark secrets from his past being revealed. In the book, Urquhart allows himself to be killed by an assassin who is out for revenge, martyring himself in the process—him pushing his wife out of the way, saving her life, secured him a State funeral and the landslide re-election of his Party, and won him the legacy he craved.
