Foad Mostafa Soltani
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Foad M. Soltani, or Kak Foad (1948-1979), was a Kurdish political leader, who influenced the events in Eastern Kurdistan after 1979 Iran revolution until summer 1979 when he was killed in a fight with islamic regime's armed forces between Saqqez andd Marivan. He was born in Almana, a beautiful village around Marivan city in Eastern Kurdistan, and into a well-known family*. He studied Electrical engineering at Sharif University of Technology and he was the person who bit the commander of royal guard with a brick when guards attacked students in the hostel of the university. After graduation he found himself in many important positions in many cities of Iran, though under the surveillance of the intelligent services of the Shah. His applications for work in Kurdistan were constantly refused. He spent many years in the Shah’s prisons before he was released amid Iran’s 1979 revolution and after a hanger strike with other political prisoners.
[edit] Foundation of Komala and his role
In 1969 and with some friends, Kak Foad founded a political group,which later was going to be called ‘Komala’. They believed in socialism and accepted Marxism, though separated themselves from the Soviet bloc and any movement and stance not working on the immediate needs of the society. The 1953 coup put an effective end to the independence and powers of the Majles and practically every other institution in the state other than the crown. The Person of the Shah became the state. In order to insure his ascendancy, the Shah constructed (with CIA’s help) an elaborate and highly efficient police apparatus known as SAVAK (acronym for Sazman-e-Ettela’at va Amniyat-e Keshvar) that permeated every aspect of life in Iran. It was an era of royal absolutism which lasted till 1975, when the deficit in the budget and decrease in the oil revenue triggered the beginning of the end of the Pahlavi dynasty.[1] Secular opposition (the National Front and the Tudeh Party) was suppressed after the coup. Other Groups emerged, which believed in ‘armed revolution’ and distanced themselves from the Tudeh. Komala was a small group in late 1960s (mainly university students and graduates), which did not accept the notion of ‘armed revolution’ and defined themselves quite different from not only the Thudeh tradition, but also from any guerrilla tactic to overthrow the regime. It remained political and clandestine until the night of the revolution (February 11, 1979) when one of its founders, Mohammad Hosain Karimi, died when leading demonstrators to occupy the city police station in Saqqez
When Kak Foad was released from prison Kurdistan was experiencing a widespread political change. In a very short time Kak Foad and some members of Komala, popular in their cities, grew into a giant political movement. The thing is it could not have probably happened without Kak Foad. In less than one year Kurdistan, now more urbanised, experienced a democratic, eventful and pleasant period and grew into a politically more mature society with the maximum participation of every single member of it.
[edit] The resistance and his leadership
After boycotting the plebiscite for 'Islamic Republic' and increasing demands of the Kurds for self- autonomy, Khomeini, the leader of the Islamic Republic, ordered the new republic's armed forces to occupy Kurdistan. Banisadir, the republic's first President, came along and ordered the troops 'not to untie their boots' until they finish the job. Since Kurdistan was the only place where an open political atmospher still exsisted the regime was determined to suppress it. On the summer of 1979 cities of Kurdistan were attacked from air and ground. Kurdisan put a firm resistance. The regime's armed forced managed to conquer some cities but in the autumn a national strike in Kurdistan forced them to leave cities. Kurdistan remained free until the spring 0f 1980 when it was again attacked by the regime and that event triggered the Second Resistance Movement. Kak Foad had a profound role in organizing the first resistance. There are achievements in his name: spurring an unprecedented social movement in Kurdistan, including a heavy presence of women for the first time; openly negotiation with Islamic Republic of Iran and reporting the outcomes to ordinary people; preventing violence and hatred, for instance in the event of Marivan in summer 1980 when residents decided to leave the city and reside in a camp instead of using violence against the occupation forces; emphasizing on decision-making by representatives of people; advocating a mature and political relationship between different parties; preparing Kurdistan for unexpected events in future (Kurdistan was relatively prepared in the time of Islamic Republic’s first major attack on its cities and succeeded to force the regime’s troops out of Kurdistan by a national strike in autumn of that year); organising a national resistance including forming ‘Peshmerge’ units, which became vital to safeguard democracy in Kurdistan, against the brutality of the army and the special force of Pasdaran. Only a few days before the Islamic Republic sent its troops to occupy Kurdistan, Komala published its historical article, Foad’s writing, ‘People of Kurdistan in crucible’, and promised a national resistance. Foad, himself, was one of the first who died resisting the occupation.
Foad’s role in the history of the eastern Kurdistan after 1979 is unique, something no other statesmen has been able to match. In only eight months from his release till his death (age 31) he opened a new chapter in the history of Eastern Kurdistan with an extremely short and limited time available for him. After Kak Foad and in spite of endeavour and great sacrifices Komala under others failed to continue what Foad had started. Komala took quite a different stance of class straggle and formed the Communist Party of Iran, an unsuccessful experience, with a baseless and unknown Iranian group and on the basis of the theory of the cadres. Foad had ruled out forming any organisation with groups without having any social base while Komala itself was enjoying a huge popularity. The kind of Communist Party if he ever wanted was probably more like the one in France in the Second World War.
