Day labor center

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Day Labor Center Models

In the last twelve years in the US, there have emerged two main models of day laborer programs: the social service agency model day labor program (the traditional model that San Francisco, Los Angeles, and many other cities based their programs on) and the day laborer designed model day labor program seen in cities including Austin, Texas, and Glendale, California. Although both models are day laborer programs, the two are as different in purpose and function as a soup kitchen and a union hiring hall [[1]].

The social service agency model is widespread and although there is some variation, the programs set up on this model have certain features in common. Typically, the city or county funds these programs, and the workers do not contribute to the funding (although workers may be charged for an ID card, or asked for a donation). Anyone who applies to the program is admitted, regardless of their employment status or geographical location. Staff and the board of directors make policy decisions, although day laborer committees make suggestions. They have typical social service agency hours of operation and days closed. Provision of social services (such as free food), consciousness raising, and social activities are emphasized. Jobs are distributed through a lottery. Day laborers’ rights to remain in the streets are supported, and outreach is performed to contact these day laborers (to inform them of the program). see National Day Laborer Organizing Network (NDLON)

The day laborer designed model varies widely in some things because the day laborers choose the policies and rules, but again, research has found certain key features that define this model and vary little between different centers. Policy, rules, and operations are made by the day laborers through general, consensus reaching meetings, resulting in long hours of operation, few if any days closed, a minimum wage with sanctions for accepting less than the minimum, and funding through worker dues. Employment is emphasized, though social and educational activities also often exist at these centers, along with AA meetings and support groups. Jobs are distributed from a list that is usually in the order of signing in each morning (but first place on the list is given to those who did not work the day before). A policy of no streetside solicitation is enforced with sanctions for employers and workers who do so. see Day Labor Research Institute

Similar complaints are common in both models of programs, in spite of very different program practices, and regardless of actual program conditions and regardless of level of work and actual program practices.

[edit] Day Labor Center Evaluation and Auditing

Much of the evaluation of a day labor program is based in the statistics recorded daily over the course of the program year in program documentation. Program evaluation of day labor programs is based on these counts:

• Wages
• Level of employment
• Number of jobs daily and % of participants hired daily
• Full-time jobs
• Repeat customers (employers who return to hire again)
• Cost to the program per job
• Number of non-participating day laborers left on streets
• Worker and employer satisfaction with the program
• Worker participation in all aspects of the program (volunteerism), which reduces staff size and cost and gives ownership of program to the workers
• Comparison to other day labor programs

[edit] Day Laborer Complaints About Day Labor Programs

Complaints abound in day labor programs. In program evaluation and auditing, a lack of complaints among program participants is often evidence of a program that kicks out its dissidents and critics—meaning fewer complainants, hence, fewer complaints—rather than evidence of day laborer satisfaction with the program. In fact, a high level of complaints is often found to be a sign of a healthy program—a program with participants that are interested in the success of their program and that take problems seriously.

Research shows that when talking to both center participants and day laborers in the streets surrounding day labor centers, similar complaints are heard, regardless of the type of day labor program. Typical complaints seem to fall into one of several categories:

• Favoritism in job distribution (“only the staff’s friends get to work”)
• Lack of work – this complaint is heard in each type of center, indicating that even in programs with a high level of work, there will be complaints about the lack of work.
• Dissatisfaction with center staff
• Bribery – staff takes bribes or accepts sexual favors for work.
• Center staff sends the police after non-participants
• Police give non-participants tickets and arrest them

These complaints are common in all models of programs, in spite of very different program practices, and regardless of actual program conditions. Although a thorough discussion is beyond the scope of this article, good program policy and practice on dealing with complaints is key to a successful program.

[edit] References

• Failing to Deliver: One Stop Employment Centers, Chicago Coalition for the Homeless, May 2005
• Comparing Solutions: An Overview of Day Labor Programs, Day Labor Research Institute, Dec 2004
• Disorder at Day Labor Sites, Center For Problem-Oriented Policing
• All in a Day's Work, Planning Magazine, April 2006
• Day Labor in the Golden State Public, Public Policy Institute of California 2007
• Top 10 Immigration Myths and Facts, National Immigration Forum 2003
• What are Workers Centers, National Employment Law Project

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