Cross-Strait relations

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Cross-Strait relations

People's Republic of China	Republic of China

Cross-Strait relations refers to the relations between mainland China, which sits to the west of the Taiwan Strait, and Taiwan, which sits to the east; especially the relations between their respective governments, the People's Republic of China (PRC) and the Republic of China (ROC).

In 1949, with the Chinese Civil War turning decisively in the Communists' (CPC) favour, the ROC government led by the Kuomintang (KMT) retreated to Taipei, in Taiwan, while the CPC proclaimed the PRC government in Beijing.

Since then, the relations between the mainland and Taiwan have been characterised by non-contact and animosity. In the early years, military conflicts continued, while diplomatically both governments competed to be the legitimate government of all China. More recently, the legal and political status of Taiwan have become more controversial, with the expression of Taiwan independence sentiments in Taiwan which were formerly outlawed. At the same time, there has been increasing non-governmental and semi-governmental exchanges between the two sides. In 2008, negotiations are scheduled to restore some or all of the "three links" (transportation, commerce, and communications) between the two sides, cut off since 1949. Party-to-party talks between the CPC and the KMT have resumed and semi-official negotiations through organisations representing the interests of their respective governments are being scheduled.

The politically correct term "cross-Strait relations" has been adopted by the two sides concerned and many observers so that the relationship between mainland China and Taiwan would not be referred as "China-Taiwan relations" or "PRC-ROC relations". The former term implies the exclusion of Taiwan from China, and is considered non-neutral. The latter term implies the co-existence of the two governments as states, and does not reflect the official positions of either government.

Contents 1 History 1.1 Before 1949 1.2 Military stalemate to diplomatic war (1949-1979) 1.3 Thawing of relations (1979-1998) 1.4 Hostile non-contact (1998-2008) 1.5 A new beginning (2008-present) 2 Current formal relations 2.1 Inter-government 2.2 Inter-party 2.3 Non-governmental 3 Informal relations 3.1 Cross-strait investments 3.2 Inter-marriage 3.3 Cultural, educational, religious and sporting exchanges 3.4 Humanitarian actions 4 References 4.1 Notes 5 See also 6 Further reading

[edit] History

[edit] Before 1949

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Main article: History of Taiwan

The early history of cross-strait relations involved the exchange of cultures, people, and technology.^[1][2][3] However, no Chinese dynasty formally incorporated Taiwan in ancient times.^[4] In the 16th and 17th centuries, Taiwan caught the attention of first Portuguese, then Dutch and Spanish explorers. In 1624, the Dutch established their first settlement in Taiwan. In 1662, Zheng Chenggong, a Ming-loyalist, defeated the Dutch rulers of Taiwan and took the island, establishing the first formally Han Chinese regime in Taiwan. Zheng's heirs used Taiwan as a base for launching raids into mainland China against the Manchu Qing Dynasty. However, they were defeated in 1683 by Qing forces. The following year, Taiwan was incorporated into Fujian province. Over the next two centuries, the Imperial government paid little attention to Taiwan.

The situation changed in the 19th century, with other powers increasingly eyeing Taiwan for its strategic location and resources. In response, the administration began to implement a modernisation drive. In 1885, the Imperial government raised Taiwan to a province. Within 10 years, Taiwan had become one of the most modern provinces in the Empire. However, the fall of the Qing outpaced the development of Taiwan, and in 1895, following its defeat in the First Sino-Japanese War, the Imperial government ceded Taiwan to Japan in perpetuity. Qing loyalists briefly resisted the Japanese rule under the banner of the "Republic of Taiwan", but order was quickly established by Japanese authorities.

Japan ruled Taiwan until 1945. During this time, Taiwan, as part of the Japanese Empire, was a foreign jurisdiction in relation to first the Qing Empire, and, after 1912, the ROC. In 1945, Japan was defeated in World War II, and surrendered its forces in Taiwan to the ROC, then ruled by the KMT. The period of post-war Kuomintang rule over China (1945-1949) was marked in Taiwan by conflicts between local residents and the new KMT authority, most violently in the 228 Incident, which occurred on February 28, 1947. The seeds for the Taiwan autonomy and independence movement was sown in this time. During this time and in subsequent periods, the Taiwan autonomy and independence movement was allied with the CPC in the struggle against Chiang Kai-shek's KMT-led government in the ROC. Indeed, one such organisation, the Taiwan Democratic Self-Government League, remains one of the eight official minor parties in mainland China.

China was soon engulfed in full scale civil war. In 1949, the war turned decisively against the KMT and in favour of the CPC. On October 1, 1949, the CPC proclaimed the founding of the People's Republic of China in Beijing. The ROC government retreated, eventually declaring Taipei its temporary capital in December 1949.

[edit] Military stalemate to diplomatic war (1949-1979)

Initially, the position of the United States, who was Chiang's most important ally, was to abandon Chiang and attempt co-operation with the Communists. When the Korean War began, however, this policy was reversed, and the United States committed itself to securing Chiang's remaining territory against Communist takeover. However, the United States never gave full support to Chiang's ambition to retake mainland China.

Diplomatically during this period, until around 1971, the ROC government continued to be recognised as the legitimate government of all China by most governments. The PRC government was recognised only by Soviet block countries, members of the non-aligned movement, and some Western nations such as the United Kingdom and the Netherlands. Both governments claimed to be the legitimate government of China, and labelled the other as illegitimate. Civil war propaganda permeated the education curriculum. Each side portrayed the people of the other as living in hell-like misery. In official media, each side called the other "bandits". The ROC also suppressed expressions of support for Taiwanese identity or Taiwan Independence.

The two governments continued in a state of war until 1979. During the Korean War, some captured Communist Chinese soldiers, many of whom were originally KMT soldiers, were repatriated to Taiwan rather than mainland China. A KMT guerrilla force continued to operate cross-border raids into south-western China in the early 1950s. The ROC government launched a number of air bombing raids into key coastal cities of mainland China such as Shanghai. The PRC government launched several island offensives, such as taking Dachen islands in 1955. After the 1950s, the "war" became more symbolic than real, represented by on again, off again artillery bombardment towards and from Kinmen. In later years, live shells were replaced with propaganda sheets. The bombardment finally ceased in 1979 after the establishment of diplomatic relations between the People's Republic of China and the United States.

During this period, movement of people and goods virtually ceased between PRC- and ROC-controlled territories. There were occasional defectors. One high profile defector was Justin Yifu Lin, who swam across the Kinmen strait to mainland China and is now Chief Economist and Senior Vice President of the World Bank.

[edit] Thawing of relations (1979-1998)

In 1978, the ROC government began to allow visits to mainland China. This benefited many, especially old KMT soldiers, who had been separated from their family in mainland China for decades. This also proved a catalyst for the thawing of relations between the two sides. Problems engendered by increased contact necessitated a mechanism for regular negotiations.

In order to effect negotiations with mainland China on operational issues without compromising the government's position on denying the other side's legitimacy, the ROC government under Chiang Ching-kuo created the "Straits Exchange Foundation" (SEF), a nominally non-governmental institution directly led by the Mainland Affairs Council, an instrument of the Executive Yuan. The PRC responded to this initiative by setting up the Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Straits (ARATS), directly led by the Taiwan Affairs Office of the State Council. This system, described as "white gloves", allowed the two governments to engage with each other on a semi-official basis without compromising their respective sovereignty policies.

Led by highly respected elder statesmen Koo Chen-fu and Wang Daohan, the two organisations began a series of talks that culminated in the 1992 meetings, which, together with subsequent correspondence, established the 1992 Consensus, under which both sides agreed to deliberate ambiguity on questions of sovereignty, in order to engage on operational questions affecting both sides.

Also during this time, however, the rhetoric of ROC President Lee Tung-hui began to turn further towards Taiwan independence. Prior to the 1990s, the ROC had been a one-party authoritarian state committed to eventual reunification with mainland China. However with democratic reforms the attitudes of the general public began to influence policy in Taiwan. As a result, the ROC government shifted away from its commitment to the one China policy and towards a separate political identity for Taiwan. Lee's mainland China counterpart, Jiang Zemin, was also unwilling to compromise. Jiang notoriously attempted to influence the 1996 ROC election in Taiwan by conducting a missile exercise designed to intimidate Taiwanese voters and interfere with international shipping, leading to the Third Taiwan Strait Crisis. By 1998, semi-official talks had broken down.

[edit] Hostile non-contact (1998-2008)

Chen Shui-bian was elected President of the ROC in 2000. Politically, Chen is pro-Taiwan independence. Chen's repudiation of the 1992 Consensus combined with the PRC's insistence that the ROC agree to a "one China" principle for negotiations to occur prevented improvement in cross-strait relations.

Hu Jintao became President of the PRC in 2003, though he was ruling de facto as General Secretary of the Communist Party of China since late 2002.

Chen called for talks without any preconditions, repudiating the 1992 consensus while Hu continued to insist that talks can only proceed under an agreement of the "one China" principle. Chen Shui-bian and his party continued to express an ultimate goal of Taiwanese independence, and make statements on the political status of Taiwan that the PRC considers provocative. At the same time, Hu and the PRC continued a military missile buildup across the strait from Taiwan while making threats of military action against Taiwan should it declare independence or if PRC considers that all possibilities for a peaceful reunification are completely exhausted. Mainland China also continued applying diplomatic pressure to other nations to isolate Taiwan diplomatically.^[5]

After the re-election of Chen Shui-bian in 2004, Hu's government changed the previous blanket no-contact policy, a holdover from the Jiang Zemin administration. Under the new policy, on the one hand, the PRC government continued a no-contact policy towards Chen Shui-bian. It maintained its military build-up against Taiwan, and pursued a vigorous policy of isolating Taiwan diplomatically. In March 2005, the Anti-Secession Law was passed by the National People's Congress, formalising "non-peaceful means" as an option of response to a declaration of independence in Taiwan.

On the other hand, the PRC administration loosened its rhetoric in relation to Taiwan, and pursued contact with apolitical, or politically non-independence leaning, groups in Taiwan. In his May 17 Statement in 2004, Hu Jintao made friendly overtures to Taiwan on resuming negotiations for the "three links", reducing misunderstandings, and increasing consultation. In the Anti-Secession Law passed in 2005, the PRC government for the first time authoritatively committed to negotiations on the basis of equal status between the two sides, and further refrained from imposing the "one China" policy as a precondition for talks. The CPC increased contacts on a party-to-party basis with the KMT, then the opposition party in Taiwan. Despite having been the warring parties in the Chinese Civil War, the CPC and the KMT also had a history of co-operation, when the two parties twice co-operated in the Northern Expedition and the war against Japan. The increased contacts culminated in the 2005 Pan-Blue visits to mainland China, including a historic meeting between Hu and then-KMT chairman Lien Chan in April 2005.^[6][7]

[edit] A new beginning (2008-present)

On March 20, 2008, the KMT won the presidency in Taiwan. It also has a majority in the Legislature. Compared to his predecessors, who often dictated conditions to Taiwan, Hu has been proactive in seeking ties with Taiwan on the basis of the "One China Policy", especially with the pro-unification Kuomintang party.^[8]

A series of historical meetings between the two sides have followed. On April 12, 2008, Hu Jintao held a historic meeting with ROC's then vice-president elect Vincent Siew as chairman of the Cross-strait Common Market Fundation during the Boao Forum for Asia. On May 28, 2008, Hu met with KMT chairman Wu Po-hsiung, the first meeting between the heads of the CPC and the KMT as ruling parties. During this meeting, Hu and Wu agreed that both sides should recommence semi-official dialogue under the 1992 consensus. Wu committed the KMT against Taiwanese independence, but also stressed that a "Taiwan identity" did not equate to "Taiwanese independence". Hu committed his government to addressing the concerns of the Taiwanese people in regard to security, dignity, and "international living space", with a priority given to discussing Taiwan's wish to participate in the World Health Organisation.

As well as the party-to-party channel, dialogue through semi-official organisations (the SEF and the ARATS) is scheduled to reopen in June 2008 on the basis of the 1992 Consensus, with the first meeting held in Beijing. Both Hu and his new counterpart Ma Ying-jeou agree that the 1992 Consensus is the basis for negotiations between the two sides of the Taiwan strait. On March 26, 2008, Hu Jintao held a telephone talk with the US President George W. Bush, in which he explained that the "1992 Consensus" sees "both sides recognize there is only one China, but agree to differ on its definition".^[9] The first priority for the SEF-ARATS meeting will be opening of the three links, especially direct flights between mainland China and Taiwan.

These events suggest a policy by the two sides to rely on the deliberate ambiguity of the 1992 Consensus to avoid difficulties arising from asserting sovereignty. As Wu Po-hsiung put it during a press conference in his 2008 mainland China visit, "we do not refer to the 'Republic of China' so long as the other side does not refer to the 'People's Republic of China'". Since the March elections in Taiwan, the PRC government has not mentioned the "one China policy" in any official announcements. The only exception has been one brief aberration in a press release by the Ministry of Commerce, which described Vincent Siew as agreeing to the "1992 consensus and the "one China policy". Upon an immediate protest from Siew, the PRC side retracted the press release and issued apologetic statements emphasising that only press releases published by the Xinhua News Agency represented the official PRC position. The official press release on this event did not mention the One China Policy.^[10]

Ma Ying-jeou, the current ROC President, has advocated that cross-strait relations should shift from "mutual non-recognition" to "mutual non-denial".^[11]

[edit] Current formal relations

[edit] Inter-government

Semi-governmental contact is maintained through the Straits Exchange Foundation (SEF) and the Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Straits (ARATS). Negotiations between the SEF and the ARATS resumed on 11 June 2008. The current issues on the agenda are:^[12]

• Direct flights between the mainland and Taiwan (scheduled for the morning of June 12, 2008)
• Opening Taiwan to mainland Chinese tourists (scheduled for the afternoon of June 12, 2008)

By convention, SEF-ARATS negotiations proceed in three rounds: a technical round led by negotiators seconded from the relevant government departments, a draft round led by deputy heads of the two organisations, and a formal round led by the heads of the two organisations. In this case, however, both sides have already reached broad consensus on these issues on both the technical and political levels through previous negotiations via the non-governmental and inter-party channels. As a result, the initial technical round will be dispensed with, and the negotiations will begin with the second, draft round.

Although formally privately constituted bodies, the SEF and the ARATS are both directly led by the Executive Government of each side: the SEF by the Mainland Affairs Council of the Executive Yuan of the ROC, and the ARATS by the Taiwan Affairs Office of the State Council of the PRC. The heads of the two bodies, Chiang Pin-kung and Chen Yunlin, are both full time appointees and do not hold other government positions. However, both are senior members of their respective political parties (Kuomintang and Communist Party of China respectively), and both have previously served as senior members of their respective governments. Their deputies, who in practice are responsible for the substantive negotiations, are concurrently senior members of their respective governments. For the June 2008 negotiations, the main negotiators, who are deputy heads of the SEF and the ARATS respectively, are concurrently deputy heads of the Mainland Affairs Council and the Taiwan Affairs Office respectively.

[edit] Inter-party

The (current) ruling parties of the two sides, the Kuomintang and the Communist Party of China, maintain regular dialogue via the "KMT-CPC Forum". This has been called a "second rail" in Taiwan, and helps to maintain political understanding and aims for political consensus between the two sides.

[edit] Non-governmental

A third mode of contact is through private bodies accredited by the respective governments to negotiate on technical and operational aspects of issues between the two sides. Called the "Macau mode", this avenue of contact was maintained even through the years of the Chen Shui-bian administration. For example, on the issues of opening Taiwan to mainland Chinese tourists, the accredited bodies were tourism industry representative bodies from both sides.

[edit] Informal relations

[edit] Cross-strait investments

Cross-strait investments have greatly increased in recent years. Predominently, this involves Taiwan-based firms moving to, or collaborating in joint ventures, in mainland China. The collective body of Taiwanese investors in mainland China is now a significant economic force for both the mainland and Taiwan.

[edit] Inter-marriage

Inter-marriage between the two sides have increased in recent years. The majority of such cases involve a female partner from mainland China marrying a male partner from Taiwan, with the couple eventually settling in Taiwan.

[edit] Cultural, educational, religious and sporting exchanges

Cultural exchanges have increased in frequency. The National Palace Museum in Taipei and the Palace Museum in Beijing have collaborated on exhibitions. Scholars and academics frequently visit institutions on the other side. Books published on each side is regularly re-published in the other side, though restrictions on direct imports and the different orthography between the two sides somewhat impede the exchange of books and ideas.

Students of Taiwan origin receive special concessions in the National Higher Education Entrance Examination in mainland China. There are regular programs for school students from each side to visit the other.

Religious exchange has become frequent. Frequent interactions occur between worshippers of Matsu, and also between Buddhists.

Both mainland China and Taiwan compete in the Olympic Games and other international sporting competitions as "China" and "Chinese Taipei" respectively.

[edit] Humanitarian actions

The PRC and the ROC have provided humanitarian aid to each other on several occasions. Most recently, following the 2008 Sichuan earthquake, an expert search and rescue team was sent from Taiwan to help rescue survivors in Sichuan. Shipments of aid material was also provided under the co-ordination of the Red Cross Society of The Republic of China and charities such as Tzu Chi.

[edit] References

[edit] Notes

[edit] See also

• Political status of Taiwan
• Legal status of Taiwan
• Foreign relations of the Republic of China
• Foreign relations of the People's Republic of China

[edit] Further reading

• Bush, R. & O'Hanlon, M. (2007). A War Like No Other: The Truth About China's Challenge to America. Wiley. ISBN 0471986771
• Bush, R. (2006). Untying the Knot: Making Peace in the Taiwan Strait. Brookings Institution Press. ISBN 0815712901
• Carpenter, T. (2006). America's Coming War with China: A Collision Course over Taiwan. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 1403968411
• Cole, B. (2006). Taiwan's Security: History and Prospects. Routledge. ISBN 0415365813
• Copper, J. (2006). Playing with Fire: The Looming War with China over Taiwan. Praeger Security International General Interest. ISBN 0275988880
• Federation of American Scientists et al. (2006). Chinese Nuclear Forces and U.S. Nuclear War Planning
• Gill, B. (2007). Rising Star: China's New Security Diplomacy. Brookings Institution Press. ISBN 0815731469
• Shirk, S. (2007). China: Fragile Superpower: How China's Internal Politics Could Derail Its Peaceful Rise. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0195306090
• Tsang, S. (2006). If China Attacks Taiwan: Military Strategy, Politics and Economics. Routledge. ISBN 0415407850
• Tucker, N.B. (2005). Dangerous Strait: the U.S.-Taiwan-China Crisis. Columbia University Press. ISBN 0231135645

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Main events pre-1945	Main events post-1945	Specific articles
First United Front (1924) April 12 Incident (1927) Nanchang Uprising Autumn Harvest Uprising Guangzhou Uprising Encirclement Campaigns (1930–1934) Chinese Soviet Republic (1931–1934) Long March (1934–1936) Xi'an Incident (1936) Second United Front (1937–1946)	Part of the Cold War Full-scale Civil War (1946–1949) First Taiwan Strait Crisis (1955) Second Taiwan Strait Crisis (1958) Third Taiwan Strait Crisis (1996) Pan-Blue visits to mainland China (2005-)	Political status of Taiwan Legal status of Taiwan Chinese reunification Taiwan independence Cross-Strait relations Primary participants Kuomintang of China Communist Party of China