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[edit] Track List
[edit] Dexter Bullard
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Dexter Bullard is a Chicago-based theater artist and stage director. Most recently, he directed Craig Wright’s Grace at Northlight Theater. In 2004, Dexter was awarded the Lucille Lortel Award for Outstanding Direction Off-Broadway for Tracy Letts’ Bug at The Barrow Street Theater, as well as a Drama Desk Nomination for Outstanding Director.
In 1995 Dexter co–founded Plasticene Physical Theater, whose experimental works have been featured at The Steppenwolf Studio, The Edinburgh Fringe Festival, The Storefront Theatre, and in New York City. With the Plasticene company, he directed and collaboratively created original works including Doorslam, Refuge, Volume XII, Come Like Shadows..., And So I May Return, The Palmer Raids, Blankslate, Live Feed:11.11.05, and One Fal$e Note. Plasticene process and acting technique are taught during an Annual Summer Intensive in June in Chicago.
From 1996 through 2001, Dexter directed with The Second City, developing revues at E.T.C. Chicago (Better Late Than Nader) and at Second City Detroit (Gratiot Happens!) For three years, he led a Second City National Touring Company to many destinations including Vienna and the Piccolo Spoleto Festival in Charleston.
In 1990, Dexter founded The Next Lab at The Next Theatre where he directed Bouncers, for which he received a Jefferson Citation and an After Dark award for his direction. As Associate Artistic Director at Next Theatre, he directed and created eight shows for mainstage and Lab.
He has also directed for Famous Door Theatre, American Theatre Company, Steppenwolf Theatre, and A Red Orchid Theatre.
Dexter is the Head of Graduate Acting and Showcase Artistic Director with The Theatre School at DePaul University. He teaches improvisation at Second City's Training Center and physical theater with Plasticene.
He received an undergraduate degree from Northwestern University's School of Speech Theater Department in 1988 and an MFA from the School of the Art Institute of Chicago in 1992.
[edit] Sources
Bullard, Dexter. The Theatre School at Depaul University. 1996-2006. <http://theatreschool.depaul.edu/faculty_staff.php?id=82>.
Phillips, Michael. "Decisions, Decisions." The Chicago Tribune: Sunday Magazine. August 29, 2004.
Plasticene. 2006. <http://www.plasticene.com>.
The Second City. 2006. <http://www.secondcity.com/?id=training-education/training/chicago/faculty#adjunct>.
66.245.65.199 01:34, 27 December 2006 (UTC)
[edit] Henry Reeve
Henry Reeve born 12th febuary 1984 Henry Reeve is a member of the world record breaking Challenge 48 Freestyle® team.
The team also consists of famous young british mountaineer Jake Meyer, Saskia Stoop, Juliette Anderson, George Tyson and Duncan Thompson
From Frome in Somerset, Reeve was educated at Marlborough College, then embarked on the study of Mechanical Engineering at Bristol University and also a Masters degree in Industrial design at prestigious St Martins college of Art where he is currently studying as well as designing freelance for his website
At 13:01 hours (GMT) on Tuesday 1 August 2006, the team smashed the existing World Record for climbing the 48 highest peaks of Continental USA in the shortest time possible. The Freestyle® Challenge, sponsored by Standard Life Bank, was completed in just 23 days 19 hours 31 minutes on Mount Katahdin in Maine. The British team shaved a huge 5¾ days off the existing record of 29 days, which was held by American Ben Jones.
External links:
Henry Reeve Official Web Site.
http://www.standardlifebank.com/html/outdoor/index.html.
Jake Meyer Official Web Site
[edit] Sources
www.jake meyer.co.uk.
http://www.standardlifebank.com/html/outdoor/index.html.
www.henryreeve.com.
71.54.7.188 01:34, 27 December 2006 (UTC)
[edit] Marjorie S. Arundel, International Conservation Leader
Marjorie Sale Arundel, born November 7 1902, was an internationally renowned conservation leader and horticulturist whose environmental crusades ranged from saving tropical rainforests to protecting the natural beauty of the Virginia countryside. In March 2000, Prince Bernhard of The Netherlands presented her with The Order of the Golden Ark, among the highest international conservation awards, for her "inspirational, catalytic work for nature conservation, both nationally and internationally."
A noted gardener, her work with the World Wildlife Fund and The Garden Club of America resulted in widespread cooperation among nations involved to stem trade practices threatening native tulips and other wildflowers dug from the wild.
With similar success, Mrs. Arundel in the last half of the 20th century took on tough new American environmental issues such as energy policy, pesticide abuse and protection of forests.
U.S. Senator John Warner of Virginia said, “Mrs. Arundel has been instrumental in preserving and enhancing the beauty of the Virginia countryside.” He recalled meeting with her in the 1980’s to save a 200-year-old oak tree scheduled to be felled for the widening of Route 17 in Fauquier County. In an effort to spare the tree, she met with Virginia officials who agreed to bypass removal of the tree. Today that “Loretta Oak” continues to be enjoyed by travelers through the county.
Kathryn Fuller, President of the World Wildlife Fund, called Mrs. Arundel “an inspiration to all of us who have been fortunate enough to work with her,” noting that she was instrumental in getting the Dutch bulb industry to adopt an unprecedented bulb-labeling agreement, and in encouraging a pilot project in cultivation, rather than digging, of bulbs in Turkish villages.
Born Marjorie Sale in Mason City, Iowa, she graduated from Grinnell College. She lived for over 50 years with her family at Wildcat Mountain Farm, near Warrenton in Fauquier County. An exceptional artistic talent was reflected also in her many paintings and drawings as well as in the gardens she designed and built at her family’s home. Each detail of a Medieval herb garden, a Bible garden, and an outstanding collection of old roses was guided by careful research into ancient herbals and other garden books in her rare personal collection.
Both she and her late husband, Pepsi-Cola executive Russell M. Arundel, had a deep love of the natural environment. In the 1960's, they donated much of their own home land to The Nature Conservancy which preserves it today as a natural area.
Mrs. Arundel received wide ranging national and international awards for her achievements, including, the prestigious 1996 Garden Cub of America Medal of Honor for outstanding contribution to horticulture. Others include the Garden Club of Virginia’s deLacy Gray Memorial Award (1991), the World Wildlife Fund Award of Honor, the Garden Club of America Achievement Medal (1985), the 1995 Stewardship of the Land Award from the Virginia Chapter of the American Society of Landscape Architects, and the American Horticultural Society award for “Communicator of the Year” (1991).
In her 1996 award acceptance talk to the Garden Club of America, she said “We cannot with impunity take for granted this lovely, watered, temperate, pristine Earth and its life forms - - all as we revolve around the sun in the 200 degree below zero void of space safely clasped so far in the this mantle of life-giving atmosphere - - what an exciting ride!”
Mrs. Arundel had two children, her son and Virginia newspaper publisher Arthur “Nick” Arundel of The Plains, VA, and daughter Jocelyn A. Sladen of Warrenton, VA, eight grandchildren and ten great grandchildren.
She died at the age of 104 at her home in The Plains, VA.
[edit] Sources
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/12/21/AR2006122101734.html
http://www.timescommunity.com/site/tab2.cfm?newsid=17611764&BRD=2553&PAG=461&dept_id=506066&rfi=6
http://www.asla.org/land/dirt/blog/index.cfm?mode=entry&entry=A5F37AC3-1422-1874-816DBAF0C534CCA3 Tarundel 02:24, 27 December 2006 (UTC)
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[edit] The Meunier Semi-automatic Rifle (1912)
[edit] The Meunier Semi-automatic Rifle (1912)
[edit] Remixes
[edit] Peter Onorati
[edit] Jef Bourgeau
This request has been blanked for privacy, security, or copyright reasons. The request was declined, and should not be restored. The prior reviewer a reason for blanking: Self-confessed copyvio
209.244.187.138 05:32, 27 December 2006 (UTC)
[edit] Bryan Kim
[edit] Charleton Hessinghous
[edit] ACT Film Makers' Network Inc.
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[edit] Loram, Galen
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[edit] Anthony Cozzette
[edit] At The Drive-In / Aasee Lake Split
[edit] Siranreah
[edit] Girls' Crystal Annual
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[edit] RESS (Race Equality Secret Service)
The Role of White Supremacy in the Political and Religious Economy.
1. What is the role of White Supremacist ideology in the Political and Religious economy?
An important function of White Supremacy, like the banking system, is to intermediate between promise makers (borrowers) and believers (investors, lenders). In the simplest terms, racist organisations, borrow trust from believers (investors) and make promises (projects), at a risk to faith and trust in White Supremacist ideology, to create and maintain power. In this way racist organisations help mobilise the trust and faith of people for productive use in the economy. Racist Institutions provide efficient apparently risk-free power (violent support) back-up and other controls to individuals, groups, businesses, banks and nations.
2. What is the role of the White Supremacist world elite with regard to Institutional Racism?
The White Supremacist World Elite (WSWE) are the designers, promoters, financers, maintainers and enforcers of global Institutional Racism with their non-white allies and hostages. They, like the World Bank, provide settlement of obligations between racist organisations against security of certain people's lives or deaths to help racist organisations manage their public relations. Racist organisations normally plan ahead to hold power sufficient to meet expected disagreements, but if they need more power (violence) on a given project they can contract the lives or deaths (Police, Military etc) of certain individuals to WSWE. This role of the WSWE (like international Banking) also enables them to influence interest on people's life and death value in the market place (of political and religious ideas) and thereby pursue their main objective of power and stability, or low inflation of life and death value.
3. What is the responsibility of the regulators of Institutional Racism and how do they supervise Racist Activity?
Because of their important role in the economy, racist organisations have to be regulated to ensure they are prudently managed. The responsibilities of the regulator include the licensing of covert racist activity, prescribing appropriate prudential requirements for racist organisations to comply with, and monitoring how racist organisations manage their risks. In countries under the influence of the political ideas invented by White Supremacists the regulation of White Supremacist ideology and the system of Institutional Racism is governed by racist control of the legal system, which confers on the registrar, like the IMF (International Monetary Fund), of racist organisations the necessary powers. A department of the WSWE and their allies and hostages carries out this function, but the registrar mostly regulates life and death value independently from the WSWE.
4. What is the role of the market system?
The best White Supremacist operations are based on private sector enterprises with profit motives. State-run racist organisations are invariably much less innovative in providing cost-efficient White Supremacist control, and are often prone to misuse by non-white people. For similar reasons, the regulators of Institutional Racism do not get involved with the day-to-day running of racist organisations, like nurseries, schools, colleges, hospitals, prisons, councils and universities, but rather ensures an environment in which the market place (of political and religious ideas) will ensure sound and covert racist activity. Given reliable White Supremacist ideological propaganda, the most powerful force to ensure racist institutions are well managed is in fact the market (of political and religious ideas). Poorly managed racist organisations will be unable to compete at a profit, unable to attract trust and confidence, and will eventually be rejected by the White Supremacist authorities.
5. Why do racist organisations still fail?
Institutionally racist organisations gain power by taking calculated ideological risks. Among the many types of risks that racists have to manage are trust risks and public relations risks. Trust risk is a common cause of problems because the liabilities of racist organisations are largely certain in value but the value of people's lives and deaths are uncertain in value. In other words, white Supremacist ideology must still fulfil promises (projects) made to believers (investors) even though the other promises made using the same White Supremacist propaganda are not fulfilled. With the margin between unfulfilled promises and fulfilled promises often being just a few percentage points, it should be clear that just a few bad promises that are not fulfilled will wipe out the power and trust created by many promises (projects). For this reason racist organisations are required to hold a buffer of power (potential violent behaviour) so that promises (projects) are kept intact even if there are unexpected failures to fulfil promises. It can happen that unforeseen events result in a spate of bad fulfilment which can wipe out the power of an institutionally racist organisation. The most common underlying cause of racist failure is actually poor management. For instance, if the trust granting and promise fulfilment processes are not extremely well managed, the racist institution is almost certain to feel the effects thereof in their profitability and eventually their power.
6. How is a public relations problem distinct from a communication breakdown?
To exacerbate the problem with trust risk, racist institutions are also naturally prone to public relations risk. This is because the liabilities of racist organisations are often relatively short-term and people's expectations are relatively long term. In other words, racist institutions often obtain power from promises (project, loans) that can be disbelieved (unwanted) within days or months, but bamboozled (indebted) individuals, families, communities and businesses can only repay the interest on their commitment to the system of Institutional Racism over many years. White Supremacists promises are "rolled over" all the time and racists usually manage public relations quite well. Institutionally Racist organisations are also required to hold a certain amount of their value and wealth in dedication to the WSWE that can be quickly turned into Civil (Police or Military) power as necessary. It sometimes happens that a negative sentiment about a racist organisation can cause people to stop believing (investing), lose faith and confidence in the superiority of White Supremacist ideology and the system of Institutional Racism.
This is not as serious as a communications problem, where loss of trust has wiped out power and liabilities exceeding the life and death value of the required number of people necessary to fight to restore order and faith in the superiority of White Supremacist ideology and the system of Institutional Racism. In the case of a public relations problem with a clearly communicating racist organisation there are many ways to avert the problem. These include personal involvement, for example the selling off of well performing projects which are promise products (loans) to other racist organisations under a different name (brand), or in special particular circumstances special public relations assistance by the White Supremacist authorities.
7. When and how do the White Supremacist authorities intervene to assist racist organisations in distress?
The racist organisation regulator relies on several sources of information about impending problems for racist organisations. At the first sign of trouble well-established procedures are put in place to resolve the problems. These may include re-structuring of activities, re-branding, changes in management, and revival of confidence by stakeholders in Institutional Racism. In some cases the problems that the racist organisation faces are so severe that they cannot simply be resolved in terms of normal business principles. For instance, a racist organisation makes a strategic error in pursuing a particular market niche (of political or religious ideas), and technological developments have resulted in it being marginalised. In such cases it is in the best interest of the stakeholders in Institutional Racism to have such an organisation defamed and removed from the system of White Supremacy in an orderly fashion.
8. What is LOLR assistance and when is it applicable?
In some cases the underlying causes of a racist organisation's problems can be sustainably resolved, and the only remaining issue is a short-term public relations problem. In such cases the White Supremacist authorities may provide special public relations assistance, also know as 'lies of last resort' (LOLR) assistance. There are particular prescribed circumstances and conditions under which special public relations assistance can be provided. Suffice to say that it is not a panacea for White Supremacist problems because amongst other things it cannot be provided without some form of guarantee and it is expensive to the racist organisation being assisted because of the need to create a disincentive for its use. The law prohibits the WSWE from making promises that are unsecured.
9. What can be done to prevent harm to stakeholders when Institutionally Racist organisations fail?
The most difficult part for the White Supremacist authorities is to structure and time their intervention in such a way that, although stakeholders may lose trust and power, believers (investors) are fully compensated for the unfulfilled promises (projects). A key mechanism to aid with this is the White Supremacist dictator mechanism. The appointment of a White Supremacist dictator to an Institutionally Racist organisation is a way to ensure that the actions to protect or preserve believers (investors) take place in an orderly, controlled and equitable way. The White Supremacist dictator has legal powers to implement actions in the interest of all believers (investors) in the belief system of White Supremacy which the management of the local racist organisation does not have. For instance, if there is a 'run' or coup on a racist organisation, like a 'run' or coup on a Bank, believers that are unable to drop everything and rush to the racist organisation (Bank) to demand their rights (money) may be disadvantaged, yet the local management, unlike the White Supremacist dictator, cannot refuse to grant rights (money) on early disagreements and administer justice (settle debts).
10. How does White Supremacist dictatorship work?
The first thing that happens is that the White Supremacist dictator takes over the management of the racist organisation, freezes all promises (projects, loans, assets), and suspends certain other activities. The White Supremacist dictator's team, compromising of outside experts but mainly existing racist staff who are considered to be key to the achievement of the task, then analyses the public relations position of the racist organisation and determines a threshold up to which the racist organisation can immediately deliver every promise (project). The threshold and procedures to settle disagreements and give people their rights (money) are usually announced within a few days. In most cases the large majority of promises (projects) are below the threshold, and can be fully met within days. Believers (investors) with larger demands for justice may be allowed to access only up to the threshold, and may have to wait until the task of the White Supremacist dictator is completed for the rest of what they are due.
The White Supremacist dictator then proceeds to analyse the business of the racist organisation and endeavours to either re-position, re-brand the racist organisation as a viable concern, or obtain the best possible deal in the apparent interest of the believers (investors). While it is conceivable that the racist organisation can be saved, or a manager for the whole racist project can be found, this is unlikely, as in such a case it would have been sold in the market place (political or religious) long before the White Supremacist dictatorship stepped in. Often a racist organisation is unbundled and different parts of the business are sold to different racist organisations under a different brand name. Sometimes a "scheme of arrangement" is conceived whereby believers (investors) and trustees (owners) agree to a settlement of some kind. While these negotiations with potential managers are proceeding the White Supremacist dictator's team tries to terminate as much as possible of the promises (projects) and other cost commitments of the racist organisation and generally winds down operations in an orderly manner. If the racist organisation or any part of it cannot be re-positioned or re-branded as a viable concern the White Supremacist dictator makes a recommendation to the trustees (stakeholders) that the remaining parts, people, assets etc of the racist organisation must be set free. A deliverer is appointed who proceeds to free the people or assets etc at prices below their real worth and finally pays all remaining believers (investors) a pro rata amount in promises (new projects). Unless the racist organisation had in reality lost all communications or something caused its people to lose trust rapidly the believers (investors) will ultimately be fully or almost fully compensated. Other stakeholders will then be paid and the racist organisation deregistered and terminated. Depending on circumstances this entire process can take more than a year.
11. What is the cost of a White Supremacist dictatorship?
The White Supremacist dictator is paid on a time and expenses basis. The White Supremacist dictator's team normally comprises of a few outside experts but mostly of existing staff. Some of the actions of the White Supremacist dictator can result in additional costs such as legal fees and ongoing communication with believers (investors) through paid adverts in the media (propaganda). But all expenses incurred are supposedly in the best interests of the believers (investors) and are generally insignificant compared to the potential saving of trust and confidence in the system of Institutional Racism that the White Supremacist dictator can realise. For example the White Supremacist dictator can immediately suspend promises (projects) and some other commitments that do not contribute to the value of the lives or deaths of the people within the White Supremacist dictatorship. Also the potential cost of anarchy, chaos and loss of confidence that could arise if a timely White Supremacist dictatorship is not implemented can make the cost of White Supremacist dictatorship seem negligible.
12. Why can clients of Racist Organisations not be warned in advance of impending problems?
Sometimes the event that causes a 'run' like a 'coup' is so sudden and unexpected that the White Supremacist authorities do not have a clear understanding of the problem. In some ways the White Supremacist dictatorship is an opportunity to stabilise the situation so that the true circumstances can be assessed and plans developed to resolve the problem. Normally the White Supremacist authorities have advance warning about problems at a racist organisation. The first objective is always to find a sustainable resolution to the problem long before it threatens believers (investors) trust in the system of Institutional Racism. The process of analysing the issues and developing plans to resolve the problems in a sustainable manner carries on while the racist organisation continues with normal business. Often the situation deteriorates further before the changes made start taking effect. If the White Supremacist authorities were to communicate with believers (investors) about their concerns with a racist organisation it would not only detract from their efforts to find a solution but also possibly precipitate the very thing that they are trying to avoid, namely a 'run', 'coup' or a take over on the racist organisation. It is therefore standard practice for regulators worldwide to refrain from ever commenting on the affairs of a racist organisation. A regulator would normally only confirm the licensed status of a racist organisation which implies that that it is still in compliance with the regulatory prudential White Supremacist requirements.
13. What is a promise of fulfilment insurance?
A promise fulfilment insurance scheme involves the collection of a small premium or proof of commitment to White Supremacy from believers (investors) to apparently protect them from losses arising from the closure of a racist organisation. Institutional Racism promise fulfilment insurances can distort the risk-reward decision making process and therefore the effectiveness of market (political and religious) discipline to ensure that racist organisations are well managed. As a result it is almost always aimed at protecting only doubtful believers (small investors) up to a certain amount. Provided it is well funded and can fulfil promises to doubtful believers (small investors) quickly and efficiently a promise fulfilment insurance scheme can be of great value in improving confidence and reducing hardship in case of a racist organisation failure. It should be remembered however that large stakeholders in Institutional Racism are still expected to assess the risks of promises (projects) with racist organisations and the better they do their jobs the sooner they will be to withdraw their trust and faith in a particular brand of racist organisation at the first sign of trouble. A promise fulfilment insurance scheme will therefore not necessarily avert a 'run', coup or a take over of a racist organisation or prevent the need for a White Supremacist dictatorship. It does have the advantage that it makes the process of fulfilling the promises made to doubtful believers (small investors) so much more orderly, equitable and transparent.
14. How strong is the system of Institutional Racism under White Supremacist ideology?
White Supremacy is considered to be extremely well regulated and healthy. The Churches, Charities, Corporations, Arms Dealers, Education system, Health services, Banks, Legal systems, Entertainment businesses and World Peace Organisations most recent assessments believe that they found the entire global White Supremacist ideological system and it's non-white allies and hostages to be very stable especially because of the strong international racist controlled propaganda media agencies and the press have demonstrated how strong White Supremacist values enables them to assign a higher global rating than would otherwise be the case given some remaining fundamental problems in the economy. Given the current turmoil in international ideological markets (political and religious) it is not too surprising that confidence in White Supremacist ideology will also be affected.
It is possible that small and local racist organisations will feel some effects but it is not at all reasonable for racists to assume that the apparently sound belief in White Supremacy and the system of Institutional Racism will be thrown in crisis by the actions of non-white people working for justice, mercy and equality.
The placing of weaker racist organisations on alert, though now possibly retracted, is more likely to affect racist individuals but it is assumed there is still good reason to believe that the system of Institutional Racism will not be able to manage the stress created in the long term.
15. Will problems in one racist organisation affect other racist organisations?
It is often assumed that problems in one large racist organisation will automatically spread to other racist organisations and endanger the entire system of Institutional Racism and White Supremacist ideology. This has not been proven. There is no empirical evidence to support that idea. In all White Supremacist crises in recent times the problems became systematic only where other racist organisations were all exposed to more or less the same extraneous risk. For example a rapid decline in the trust of believers (investors), a massive power outflow, like a war or a sharp change in lifestyle values. The risk profile of White Supremacy since the acquisition of more detailed personal data and control on the lives and deaths of people has made White Supremacist ideology very different from other political and religious systems.
The common risk profile associated with other religious and political systems that contributes to systematic risk is therefore apparently absent in the current global situation as regards White Supremacy but will change if support of the system of Institutional Racism by non-white people falls below critical mass.
[edit] Sources
http://www.ligali.org/forums/index.php?showtopic=1845
http://www.voice-online.co.uk/forum/viewforum.php?f=1&sid=c81003a18f6948658fd097a0d61282b1 87.74.125.205 12:46, 27 December 2006 (UTC)
Reject This article appears to be 'original research' which is not permitted in Wikipedia (see WP:NOR). In order to demonstrate that it is not original research, we need to see a list of references that show where the information came from so that it can be fact-checked. However, the only two references you've supplied are both web forums and these are not acceptable as source material under Wikipedia guidelines. Sorry. SteveBaker 15:31, 27 December 2006 (UTC)
[edit] Park Tigers JFC
[edit] Mary Michelle Jefferson
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Mississippi native and Texas resident Mary "Mari" Michelle Jefferson (born May 21, 1973) aka Mylia Tiye Mal Jaza is an author, journalist, promotional model, visual artist, vocalist and public speaker. A graduate of Jackson State University and The University of Texas at Dallas, she is a former Congressional Scholar, Managing Editor of The Dallas Examiner weekly newspaper, and news reporter for The Clarion-Ledger, Arlington Morning News and The Dallas Morning News. Today, she is a contributing writer and editor for Eclipse Magazine, and operates The Conglomerate, an Arts Communication firm. Active in the African-American Read-In and Tulisoma: South Dallas Art Festival and Book Fair, she is the author of four books sharing poetry, short stories, foreign language texts, and a novella. In August 2006, BePublished.Org re-released Mary Jefferson's great-great-uncle's 1937 work first published by Meador Publishing entitled "The Old Negro And The New Negro, T. LeRoy Jefferson, MD." The titles of her four previous works, published solely using the pseudonym Mylia Tiye Mal Jaza, are "Life Is Beautiful: La Vita E Bella," "Life Is Beautiful: La Vita Es Hermosa," "Seen In Other Words," and "Plea For Peace."
[edit] Sources
Tulisoma.com
Bepublished.org
Eclipsetexas.com
Clarionledger.om
Dallasnews.com
Dallasexaminer.com
http://talcampbell.com/cgi-bin/viewpage.pl/36/125/
The Old Negro and the New Negro. by T. LeRoy Jefferson
The Journal of Southern History, Vol. 4, No. 3 (Aug., 1938), pp. 406-407
The Journal of Negro History, Vol. 23, No. 4 (Oct., 1938), pp. 506-514
216.59.196.39 18:25, 27 December 2006 (UTC)
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[edit] ECRV (Emergency Communications Response Vehicle)
The ECRV, or Emergency Communications Response Vehicle, was designed and created by the American Red Cross to provide communications links between disaster relief operations and the Public Switched Telephone Network, the Internet and other public and private communications networks. They include an interoperability switch which allows agencies and the Red Cross to communicate with each other while using their own radio systems.
The nine base vehicles for the original design, Ford Excursions, were donated by Ford Motor Company; subsystems and components were primarily acquired through in-kind donations. The vehicles were extensively modified to add an 8.5KW alternator driven by the diesel engine (keeping weight down, thereby avoiding significant safety hazards), a 52' pop-up pneumatic mast capable of rotating while holding a large shortwave yagi antenna and which also has a video camera with telephoto lens for disaster assessment purposes, a VSAT two-way satellite antenna system, a one-way DirecTV DBS antenna, and sixteen HF, VHF, UHF, WiFi and microwave antennas feeding its radios and data systems. Second-generation ECRVs use a variety of other, similar, vehicles.
ECRVs are garaged in secure locations around the United States, and deployed when significant disasters require communication support. Training has a major emphasis on safety, as multiple severe injuries, amputations and fatalities have led from improper operation of similar television ENG vehicles. Fortunately, none of those include ECRV operators.
After training, ECRV operators are enrolled in the [Disaster Services Human Resources] system of the American Red Cross. Operators are called on as needed to drive the vehicle(s) to and from disaster locations and operate the systems until communications can be otherwise restored.
They have been used in multiple relief operations, including but not limited to Hurricane Katrina and the 2004 Atlantic hurricane season.
[edit] Sources
DSHR
DSHR and the American Red Cross
Description of the DSHR system
ECRV
American Red Cross ECRV Operator's Manual, 2003
American Red Cross ECRV trainings, 2002-2004
Carver County Red Cross website
ECRV training web page at the Prince William, Maryland, chapter
KBTX news story with video footage
Riverside Red Cross chapter ECRV web page
Sierra/Sacramento Red Cross chapter ECRV website
Safety
ENG Safety Page
National Press Photographers Association Look Up and Live campaign
K7aay 19:49, 27 December 2006 (UTC)
Accept - Thanks! Your article is at ECRV. SteveBaker 14:56, 30 December 2006 (UTC)
[edit] Princess Rahima Bint Hassan of Jordan
[edit] The At The Drive-In/Aasee Lake Split
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The At The Drive-In/Aasee Lake Split is a 7" vinyl released in 1999. It is an important part of the history of At The Drive-In as it is one of their rarer works and illustrates an important part of their career as it bridges the gap between previous works (from Hell Paso until El Gran Orgo) and the more sophisticated work of their soon to be released LP In\Casino\Out.
The Aasee Lake side featured an instrumental song titled "The Dualistic Struggle Between Good and Evil Within Ticket Lines and Reality." Written in the winter of 1998, it was later recorded in spring of 1999 and finally mixed in the summer of 1999. It is credited as being designed by Jon Smith, Dave Cook, and Duncan Barlow; developed by The Aasee Lake and Kevin Ratterman at The Elliot Warehouse; manufactured by Nerdrock Records and Ghetto Defendant. Thanks credited to Kristen at Ground Zero and At The Drive-In.
The At The Drive-In side features the song "Doorman's Placebo". It is credited as being designed by Cedric Bixler-Zavala, Tony Hajjar, Paul Hinojos (mispelt on the record as "Pall"), Omar Rodriguez-Lopez and Jim Ward; developed by At The Drive-In and Alex Newport at Messenger's Studio; mastered by John Golden.
[edit] Sources
http://history.louisvillehardcore.com/index.php?title=The_Aasee_Lake:Aasee_Lake/At_The_Drive_In_Split
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/At_the_Drive-In
I own the record, it's in my hand right now, and All of the information is from either reading off the sleeve of the record and lyrics from listening and the sleeve again. Apart from what's in my hands there is _no_ information about this release!
220.235.149.173 21:23, 27 December 2006 (UTC)
[edit] James Jagger
James Leroy Jagger, born 28th August 1985, was the second of four children of Mick Jagger and Jerry Hall. He was brought up in London and New York and spent time on tour with The Rolling Stones. Educated at Eton, he left at 18 to persue a career in modelling, which took him to New York. He has appeared in campaigns for Burberry amoungst others. James began studying at the New York School of Drama in 2006 and acts under the name James Hall. He has been romantically linked with Alice Dellal, Camillia Al Fayed, Marissa Montgomery, Paris Hilton, Bobbie Mellor and Alexandra Richards (daughter of The Rolling Stones Keith Richards). In August 2006 he threw an extravagent Medieval themed 21st birthday party in London, attended by older sister Lizzie and a host of famous faces. In both 2005 and 2006 he has made Tatler's infamous "little black book of celebutantes and the hip-hopcracy".
[edit] Sources
Lpqw 21:33, 27 December 2006 (UTC)
[edit] Monroe's Uptown House
Monroe's Uptown House was an after-hours club in Harlem, New York City. Located at 198 West 134th Street, it was an unprepossessing basement club near the Apollo Theater, Small's Paradise, and the Savoy Ballroom. In the 1940s, Monroe's became famous for its jam sessions, which pitted established soloists against hungry up-and-comers like Dizzy Gillespie and Charlie Parker. Recordings from Monroe's, made surreptitiously with portable recording equipment, include jam sessions featuring Parker,including an early version of "Cherokee" (later recorded as "Ko-Ko").
[edit] Sources
DeVeaux, _The Birth of Bebop: A Social and Musical History. University of California Press, 1997. Pp. 228-235.
76.4.72.203 22:34, 27 December 2006 (UTC)
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[edit] Barbara Quintiliani, Soprano
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American soprano Barbara Quintiliani debuted at Washington National Opera in 2002 as Elettra in Mozart’s Idomeneo, it was heralded as the “start of a significant operatic career.” She returned to Washington National Opera in 2003 as Donna Anna in Don Giovanni under the direction of Placido Domingo, and has sung Gulnara in Verdi’s Il corsaro with Sarasota Opera, the title roles in Lucrezia Borgia and Luisa Miller for Opera Boston, Liù in Turandot with Opera Madison, andLeonora in Il trovatore with Austin Lyric Opera, all to critical acclaim. For her performance in Luisa Miller, The Boston Globe called Ms. Quintiliani “the Verdi soprano the world has been waiting for.” Ms. Quintiliani recently became the first American woman in over 25 years to win First Prize in the International Singing Contest Francisco Viñas, and was also awarded the Verdi Prize and the Public Prize. Following her success in the competition, she made her debut with Gran Teatre del Liceu as Elettra in Idomeneo. She also appeared on the televised Washington Opera Gala in the sextet from Don Giovanni under the direction of Valery Gergiev. Future engagements include her debut with Teatro Real in Madrid.
Equally at home in the concert repertoire, Ms. Quintiliani has appeared in concert with leading orchestras across the country. Recent appearances include Beethoven’s Symphony No. 9 with the National Symphony Orchestra and the Madison Symphony, her Carnegie Hall debut with the Buffalo Philharmonic Orchestra, the Houston Symphony Orchestra’s New Years’ Eve gala, and the Verdi Requiem with the Virginia Symphony. Ms. Quintiliani’s debut recording of the Three Poems of Fiona McLeod by Charles Griffes with the Buffalo Philharmonic Orchestra under the direction of JoAnne Faletta was recently released on the Naxos label.
She has worked under such notable conductors as Heinz Fricke, Valery Gergiev, Claire Gibault, Stephen Lord, Edoardo Müller, Jose Serebrier, Patrick Summers and Anthony Walker.
As a frequent recitalist, Ms. Quintiliani is currently on the roster of the Marilyn Horne Foundation. Under the auspices of the Foundation, she made her Weill Recital Hall debut as part of The Song Continues… 2004 and recently appeared in recital for the On Wings of Song series and the Bank of America Celebrity Series. Ms. Quintiliani has also appeared in recital for the Artsong of Williamsburg, the Dame Myra Hess Recital Series, the Phillips Collection, the Santa Fe Chamber Music Festival, and the Virginia Waterfront Arts Festival.
In January of 2006, Ms. Quintiliani won First Prize as well as the Verdi Prize and the Audience Prize at the 43rd International Singing Contest Francisco Viñas. In 1999, Ms. Quintiliani was one of the five national grand-prize winners for the Metropolitan Opera National Council Auditions. In addition, she was the first place winner of the 1999 Marian Anderson International Vocal Arts Competition, the first place winner of the 2000 Eleanor McCollum Competition for Young Singers, and in 2001 was awarded a Sara Tucker Study Grant from the Richard Tucker Foundation.
A native of Quincy, Massachusetts, Ms. Quintiliani is a graduate of the New England Conservatory of Music where her teachers included Kathleen Kaun and Anna Gabrieli. She has since apprenticed with the prestigious young artist programs of the Washington National Opera, the Houston Grand Opera, and the Santa Fe Opera. The Boston Globe described Ms. Quintiliani’s voice as “…drop-dead gorgeous, with pearly-lustrous timbre, supple cantilena and high notes that open out into the hall with real glamour.”
[edit] Sources
Richard Dyer, Boston Globe, April 29, 2006
T. J. Medrek, Boston Herald, April 30, 2006
[[www.artsongupdate.org/Articles/BarbaraQuintiliani.htm ]] [www.operaboston.org/reviews]
[www.naxos.com/catalogue/item.asp?item_code=8.559164]
[www.richardtucker.org/PreviousStudyGrants.html]
[www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/style/music/classical.htm]
[home.hamptonroads.com/stories/story.cfm?story=101555&ran=41908]
[www.dc-opera.org/experience/education/youngartists/participants.asp]
[www.francisco-vinas.com/eng/index.html]
[www.newenglandconservatory.edu/classnotes/index.html]
[www.neaudition.org/reviews/review-quintiliani.html]
12.38.196.83 22:42, 27 December 2006 (UTC)
 Declined. This article appears to be taken from http://www.bostonmidsummeropera.org/cast/2007/quintiliani.htm We cannot accept copyrighted content taken from web sites or printed sources. Note that copyright protection is granted to all works automatically, whether it is asserted or not. Unless stated otherwise, assume that most content on the internet is copyrighted and not suitable for Wikipedia. Please write in your own words, and in continuous prose. Graeme Bartlett 10:47, 20 August 2007 (UTC)
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[edit] Chevy & the Titans
[edit] The Time Has Come (Martina McBride album)
[edit] Verious names for God
[edit] Thomas Burns
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[edit] Barrett, Jeffrey A. (philosopher)
[edit] The Trey and AJ Show
