Vasile Luca

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Vasile Luca (born Luka László; June 8, 1898—July 23, 1963) was a Romanian communist politician, a leading member of the Romanian Communist Party (PCR) from 1945 and until his imprisonment in the 1950s. Noted for his early activities in Hungary and the Soviet Union, he sided with Ana Pauker during World War II and returned to Romania as the Minister of Finance and one of the most recognizable leaders of the Communist regime. Luca's downfall, coming at the end of a conflict with Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej, signaled that of Pauker.

He was married to Elisabeta Luca, a volunteer in the International Brigades during the Spanish Civil War, who was also imprisoned following her husband's arrest.

Contents 1 Biography 1.1 Early activities 1.2 Prison and exile 1.3 Political leadership 1.4 Downfall 2 Rehabilitation 3 Notes 4 References

[edit] Biography

[edit] Early activities

A native of Szentkatolna (or Sâncatolna - present-day Catalina)^[1] in Transylvania (at the time part of Austria-Hungary), Luca was an ethnic Hungarian of the Székely community; during his later years, Luca also indicated that he was of Jewish^[2] and proletarian origin.^[3]

In the period following the Aster Revolution, as Transylvania's administration was taken over by Romania, he joined Károly Kratochwill's Székely Division (formed inside Hungary by Hungarian Transylvanian refugees).^[4] After the Romanian Army crushed the Hungarian Soviet Republic, Luca took refuge in Braşov and began working for the Romanian Railways,^[5] attempting to align railworkers' trade unions with the Profintern.^[6] Luca later admitted that, in Leninist terms, he had been mistaken to leave the Division — after allegedly being persuaded to do so by a group of workers in Satu Mare —, as he had missed an opportunity to carry out "revolutionary work under party directives", although he confessed that he had been denied membership of the Hungarian Communist Party.^[7]

He soon adhered to the larger wing of the former Socialist Party of Romania, which had established the Romanian Communist Party, and became an associate of Imre Aladar.^[8] In 1924, as the party was outlawed and forced in the underground, Luca was elected secretary of the Braşov regional committee.^[9] Taking the forefront during a 1929 Communist-led strike in the Jiu Valley,^[10] he was also elected, with Alexandru Nicolschi, to the internal Politburo (one of the two bodies established by the Comintern at the time, the other one supervising from inside the Soviet Union).^[11] In conflicts inside the party, he was punished by the Comintern overseers and the Stalinist leadership, being recalled from his party functions^[12] and later required to display a dose of self-criticism.^[13]

[edit] Prison and exile

Arrested in 1924, 1933, and 1938, and sentenced to prison terms; notably, Luca was successfully defended by a attorneys paid for with Red Aid funds during a 1927 trial in Cluj (where Boris Stefanov was sentenced),^[14] and was represented by Ion Gheorghe Maurer during his 1938 trial.^[15] He was serving time in Cernăuţi, having been found guilty of attempt to cross the border between the Kingdom of Romania and the Ukrainian SSR, when the Soviet Union annexed Northern Bukovina (1940).^[16]

Luca reoriented himself in the aftermath of the Great Purge (having already renounced the friendship with Purge victim Aladar, as well as those of Vitali Holostenco, Eugen Rozvan, and Elek Köblös).^[17] He took up Soviet citizenship and sat on the Supreme Soviet of the Ukrainian SSR; after the start of Operation Barbarossa, he was instrumental in the creation of a Romanian language section for Radio Moscow, broadcasting propaganda against the Ion Antonescu regime and its German allies (see Romania during World War II).^[18] At the time, he began his collaboration with Ana Pauker, who led the main cell of the PCR's "exterior wing", created by those who had taken refuge inside the Soviet Union.^[19]

He enlisted in the Red Army, helped recruit Romanian prisoners of war to form the Tudor Vladimirescu Division,^[20] and then returned to Romania with the Soviet troops in late 1944 (see Soviet occupation of Romania).^[21] Luca later stated that he had been disappointed in the fact that local forces under King Mihai I had taken the initiative in ousting Antonescu and aligning the country with the Allies, arguing that the PCR was supposed to await the Soviets' presence.^[22]

[edit] Political leadership

One year later, he became Party Secretary, and soon after the Finance Minister and the Deputy Premier in the Petru Groza cabinet which he had helped bring to power in February 1945 (with Pauker, he ensured the Allied Commission's support for Communists who were protesting against the Nicolae Rădescu executive).^[23] Luca became involved in all major conflicts between the PCR and the traditional opposition forces, the National Peasants' Party and the National Liberal Party: he gave inflammatory speeches on the issue of Northern Transylvania's return to Romania (recommending its postponing), on projects regarding the establishment of a dictatorship of the proletariat, as well as on collectivization.^[24]

At the Party Conference in October, when the balance set after General Secretary Ştefan Foriş' downfall came to be questioned, Luca made his voice heard in opposition to Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej's "internal wing", and proposed that the latter be kept as nominal leader (with Pauker taking over the party executive); Gheorghiu-Dej, who managed to obtain Joseph Stalin's approval through the intervention of Emil Bodnăraş, became focused on maneuvering against the rival faction.^[25]

In late 1945, the issue of collectivization brought Luca into a brief and intense conflict with the Ploughmen's Front (a group led by Petru Groza and allied with the Communists), which threatened to cease supporting the PCR if private property was not going to be guaranteed.^[26] His plans for rapid communization also rose opposition inside the party — Lucreţiu Pătrăşcanu is known to have advised against them.^[27]

With those of Pauker, Teohari Georgescu, and Gheorghiu-Dej, his name was one of the most prominent in propaganda (including the famous collective slogan in incorrect Romanian Ana, Luca, Teo, Dej / Bagă spaima în burgheji — "Ana, Luca, Teo[hari], Dej / Scare the bourgeois").^[28] The group of leaders was active in suppression of various inner-party political factions, starting with that of Foriş, and continued with those of Remus Koffler and Pătrăşcanu.^[29]

He was personally charged with securing the brutal transition to collective farming,^[30] and kept his ministerial office after the proclamation of Communist Romania. Inside the Secretariat, he, Pauker and Georgescu eventually became the main obstacle in the way of Gheorghiu-Dej's policies.^[31]

[edit] Downfall

On the initiative of General Secretary Gheorghiu-Dej, who sought and obtained Stalin's approval for a renewal of the leadership in January 1952,^[32] Luca was dismissed from government office in March, and purged from the party in May (formally, in August 1953), together with Pauker.^[33]

Officially, the purge was centered on accusations regarding Luca's opposition to the devaluation of the Romanian leu, a measure ordered by the Soviet Union and carried out on January 28, 1952.^[34] He had been charged, through the voice of Miron Constantinescu, with "grave deviations" and taking a "right wing opportunistic line, breaking away from the working classes" (see Right Opposition);^[35] in addition to sharing the blame, Pauker was accused of having taken a "left wing opportunistic line" (see Left Opposition) on various issues.^[36] Upon witnessing the attack on him during the Plenary meeting of May (immediately amplified by the interventions of Alexandru Moghioroş, Iosif Rangheţ, Ion Vincze and others),^[37] Luca fainted.^[38] He was arrested in the same month, some days after his deposition and political indictment.^[39]

Luca's interrogation, approved and supervised by Soviet authorities,^[40] also involved aspects of his past: it was alleged that, as a youth, he had taken part in conflicts opposing the Székely Division and the communists on the side of the former, that he had been recruited by the Romanian secret police (Siguranţa Statului) in the early 1920s and had thus infiltrated the PCR, and that he had been paid to encourage fighting inside the party.^[41]

In October 1954, he was sentenced to death for economic sabotage, but, after appealing to the PCR leaders, he had his sentence commuted to life imprisonment and hard labour,^[42] and died 11 years later in the prison of Aiud, having been kept in almost complete isolation.^[43] Before his imprisonment, he wrote several letters to Gheorghiu-Dej, in which he continued to plead his innocence; it is not known if the addressee ever replied to Luca personally, but he would usually add derogatory comments to the margin of each letter.^[44] Twenty-nine of Luca's subordinates — Ministry employees and Centrocoop workers — were also arrested at the time: they were all subjected to torture, but only four of them were ever tried.^[45]

In 1952, charges against Luca implicated Teohari Georgescu, who was accused of împăciuitorism ("appeasing attitude")^[46] and admitted to "not having seen the gravity of Luca's deeds"^[47] in a futile effort to save himself from incarceration. Pauker herself claimed that she had suspected Luca of attempting to topple Gheorghiu-Dej, and argued that her Jewish origins and Luca's Hungarian (or Jewish-Hungarian) roots had made them the target of Soviet suspicion (she recalled having been told so by Andrey Vyshinsky), as well as unpopular inside Romania.^[48]

The entire writings of Luca, Pauker, and Georgescu were removed from their places in officially-sanctioned libraries, and quotes from them were systematically deleted from reference works.^[49]

[edit] Rehabilitation

In September 1965, just two years after his death and six months after the death of Gheorghiu-Dej, the change in tone signaled by Nicolae Ceauşescu, the new general secretary, led to the re-evaluation of Luca's case by a party commission that included Ion Popescu-Puţuri.^[50]

The investigation revealed major irregularities and a pattern of abusive measures, including the direct implication of Gheorghiu-Dej, Iosif Chişinevschi, and Securitate chief Alexandru Drăghici, into the proceedings, as well as inhumane treatment to which Luca had been subjected.^[51] It resulted in Luca's rehabilitation in 1968 (although the final verdict seemed to confirm that Luca had betrayed some of his comrades during his 1920s stay in Jilava prison).^[52]

[edit] Notes

[edit] References

• (Romanian) Excerpt from Ana Pauker's interrogation, in Sfera Politicii
• Dosarele Istoriei, 2/I, 1996:
  • Dragoş Drăgoescu, "Arma politică a reabilitărilor. Caruselul crimelor şi liderii comunişti români", p.20-34
  • Marius Oprea, "Radiografia unei înscenări. «Devierea de dreapta»", p.48-53
• Lavinia Betea,
  • (Romanian) "Ambiţia de a intra în istorie", in Magazin Istoric
  • (Romanian) "Gheorghe Maurer – «aparător al comuniştilor»", in Jurnalul Naţional, February 9, 2005
  • (Romanian) "Sovieticul Vasile Luca", in Jurnalul Naţional, November 15, 2005
• Adrian Cioroianu, Pe umerii lui Marx. O introducere în istoria comunismului românesc, Editura Curtea Veche, Bucharest, 2005
• (Romanian) Ion Cristoiu, "România cu ochi albaştri - Pauker si Luca, interzişi", in Jurnalul Naţional, October 3, 2006
• Victor Frunză, Istoria stalinismului în România, Humanitas, Bucharest, 1990
• (Romanian) Vasile Luca's autobiography, addressed to the Comintern, and other testimonies he gave, in Jurnalul Naţional, February 8, 2005
• Vladimir Tismăneanu, Stalinism for All Seasons: A Political History of Romanian Communism, University of California Press, Berkeley, 2003 ISBN 0-520-23747-1
• (Romanian) Ilarion Ţiu, "Aliatul lui Stalin" ("Stalin's Ally"), in Jurnalul Naţional, June 7, 2005