Sri Lanka Tamils (native)

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For other usage of this term see the disambiguation page Sri Lanka Tamils

Sri Lankan Tamils also, Ceylonese or Ilankai Tamils are today a trans-national minority, and are Tamil people from Sri Lanka. They are found in almost all continents including their country of origin Sri Lanka. Their origins lie in South India in a cultural region known as Tamilakam, a region that encompasses both the present day Indian states of Tamil Nadu and Kerala as well as Sri Lanka.

They are of interest to many Western and Asian decision makers as some have national aspirations^[1] to an independent state called Tamil Eelam.

Contents 1 History 1.1 Ethnic consciousness 2 Geographic Distribution 3 Eastern Tamils 3.1 Social structure of Eastern Tamils 3.2 Religious traditions of Eastern Tamils 3.3 Position of Trincomalee 4 Northern Tamils 4.1 Social Organization of Northern Tamils 4.2 Tamils of Vanni 4.2.1 Social structure of Vanni Tamils 4.3 Position of Mannar 5 Culture 5.1 Some unique cultural markers 5.2 Religious Life 5.2.1 Hinduism 5.2.1.1 Places of worship 5.2.1.2 Temple as centre of socialization 6 Social Structure 6.1 Economy 6.2 Education 6.3 Family Life 6.4 Marriages 6.5 Indigenous laws 7 Ethnic conflict and refugees 8 See also 9 External links 10 References

[edit] History

Main articles: History of Tamils in Sri Lanka, Jaffna Kingdom, and Vannimai

Most Tamils are Hindus, and there is also a significant number of Sri Lankan Tamil Christians. In the Sri Lankan context, the Tamil speaking Muslims regard themselves as a separate community unlike the Tamil speaking Muslims of Tamil Nadu in India

Tamils of Indian origin in Sri Lanka or Hill-Country Tamils who came as indentured plantation workers during the British rule of the island, are now Sri Lankan citizens and largely live in the central highlands.

Although in the chronicle text of Sri Lankan history Mahavansaya, Tamil existence in the island is largely limited to the capacity of invading armies from South India, there is an alternate case which alludes to the notion that a Tamil presence in Sri Lanka can be traced back more than 2,000 years.

The Jaffna Kingdom of the 11th century was a major contributor toward the survival of the Tamil community. Outside of the Jaffna Kingdom, local autonomy under Vannimai feudal lords in the Eastern Province (see Batticaloa) helped maintain a Tamil identity there.

Due to the various means by which Tamils have either maintained or lost their identity as Tamils in Sri Lanka, there are two major sub-groups. One is the Eastern Tamils or Batticalao Tamils who live from Trincomalee down to Kumana. The other major group is the Northern Tamils or Jaffna Tamils. It is this latter sub-group that articulated a political vision that eventually lead to aspirations for separation from Sri Lanka.^[2]

There are also a large group Tamils who have become totally assimilated into the Sinhalese ethnicity over the course of numerous generations. Complete assimilation of formerly Tamil speaking communities such as the Karave, Durave, Salagama and Demalagatara as Sinhalese in the western littoral has been accepted by local historians.^[3]

Similarly, there are also those who have more recently, within one or two generations, begun to identify as Sinhalese.. This phenomenon is most apparent amongst groups such as the Negambo Tamils of the Western province.^[4]

There are other social groups such as the Colombo Chetty and Bharatakula who, although have deep Tamil roots, identify with Sinhalese and other ethnic admixtures, or do not consider themselves to be either Tamil or Sinhalese.^[5]

The Sri Lankan Tamils today are descendants of people who decided to maintain a non-Sinhalese identity. Some believe that more people of Tamil descendants became Sinhalese than remained Tamils. In addition, a significant minority of Sri Lankan Tamils are partly descended from Sinhalese and indigenous Vedda lineages.^[6]

[edit] Ethnic consciousness

Not all the Tamils living in Sri Lanka are referred to as Sri Lankan Tamils (SLT) for in all the government records and even at the level of group consciousness there is a distinction made between the Indian origin Hill Country Tamils of the tea and rubber plantation areas, and the Sri Lankan Tamils who are the traditional Tamil inhabitants of Sri Lanka largely confined to the northern and the eastern parts of the island.

Due to economic and socio-political pressures the pace of assimilation of the Indian Tamils into the Sri Lankan Tamil identity is high. Marriages between Indian Tamils and Sri Lankan Tamils are on the increase and there is an increasing sense of oneness politically. ^[7]

[edit] Geographic Distribution

The following are the population figures in the various districts of the North and East, for 1981 prior to the civil war.

• Jaffna - 95.3%
• Mullaitivu - 76.0%
• Mannar - 50.6%
• Vavuniya - 56.9%
• Trincomalee - 33.8%
• Batticaloa - 70.8%
• Amparai - 20.1%

Of the population of 14,850,001, SLT are 1,871,535 (12.6%) and Indians are 825,238 (5.6%). The Tamils in all constitute 17% of the population. SOURCE: CENSUS 1981.^[8]

However, recent government school texts suggest that in the intervening years since the last census, the SLT population may be as low as 4+% today because of emigration.

[edit] Eastern Tamils

The name of Batticaloa city is now used, as the term Jaffna is to refer to a system of social organization such as Batticolo Tamils and Jaffna Tamils. Batticaloa lies on the central part of the eastern sea board of Sri Lanka, south of Trincomalee. Historically speaking it was part of the Kandy, a kingdom from about the 14th century to 1815, therefore it has a different geographical and historical environment. Batticaloa has been able to preserve many traditional Dravidian social institutions. Even under British rule, Batticaloa was not modernized as comprehensively as Jaffna. Modernization in Batticaloa was confined only to the town.^[9]

[edit] Social structure of Eastern Tamils

Main articles: Caste in Sri Lanka#Eastern Tamil System and Kuti system

The social organization of the Tamils of this district in terms of caste formation is definitely less rigid. The traditional agrarian organization is characteristically feudal in terms of the extraction of surplus.

It is important to note that the differences that one sees on the social and cultural organization of Jaffna and Batticaloa are not that fundamentally different from each other, because if one analyses the basics of both the “systems” one will not fail to see that they emanate from the basic Dravidian kinship system or basic South Indian system. Uneven development arising out of years of exclusive existence have sharpened the dis-similarities. ^[10]

A special feature of the caste organization of is the Kuti system. The Tamil word Kuti means a house, a settlement. In Batticalo Kuti is found among all the major caste groups, and every context it refers to the exogamous matrilineal clans. The kuti system is also among the Tamil Muslims of Batticaloa. The number of Kutis within a caste is always seven and the names vary. The significance of the kuti system lies in that,

• It is related to matrimonial alliances (none carry with him the kuti of his birth and one always a joins the wife’s kuti on marriage

• Control of the places of worship (temples) is through the kuti system, [11]

Following are the kutis among the Vellalar

• Kantankuti,
• Carukupillikuti,
• Kattappattankuti,
• Kavuttankuti,
• Attiyayankuti,
• Ponnaccikuti
• Vaittikuti.

The Vellalar consider themselves to be the decedents of soldiers of Kalinga Magha who invaded Sri Lanka in the 11 th century A.D. Curiously he was also considered to be instrumental in creating the Jaffna Kingdom in the North.

Following are Mukkuvar kutis are

• Ulakippotikuti,
• Kalinkakuti,
• Pataiyantakuti,
• Pettankuti,
• Panikkankuti,
• Kaccilakuti,
• Pettantapata antakuti.

The kuti system is also found among the Cirpatakkarar, the Cettis, the Karaiyar and the Kammalar. It is of interest to note that the names of kutis are common to some of the castes.

Besides those castes which have an internal kuti system there, are seventeen (17) caste groups which are called Ciraikutis or prisoner kutis, meaning these are under captivity and they are confined to the work they have got to do.

In the traditional agrarian system the feudal landlord is known as the Poti , the reverential form being potiyar. The Batticala potiyar is a regular farmer; he is not an absentee landlord. But there is a system of leasing land to Kuttakaikkarar or lessees, who undertake to do the cultivation by paying a lump sum to the potiyar. There are instances when one potiyar could lease out land from another. Under the potiyar come the vayalkarar or those of the field who work on the fields. Labor is their main input, and the potiyar looks after them, giving them what they need. These vayalkarar of the Batticalo system would correspond to the pannaiyal of the ryotwari system in Tamilnadu. ^[12]

[edit] Religious traditions of Eastern Tamils

The religious tradition of the Batticaloa Hindus are very important. Sanskritization, which is a characteristic feature of Jaffna Hinduism is very much absent. Religious practice in Batticaloa is mainly non-Agamic. In fact there is only one major Siva temple Kokkatticcolai Tantonri Isvaran Koyil. There are of course a number of Pillaiyar shrines in Batticalo, most important of which is the Mamankappillaiyar temple. But it should be noted that Pillaiyar is an agrarian deity among all the SLT.

Batticaloa has a large number of Murukan shrines, at

• Verukal,
• Cittanti,
• Tirupperunturai,
• Mantur,
• Tantamalai and Ukantamalai.

The most important popular cult found in Batticaloa is the Pattini cult in which Kannaki, the chaste goddess, is worshipped. The important cult centres are

• Karaitivu,
• Palukamam,
• Kulakkattu,
• Makilativu,
• Aracatitivu,
• Kannakuta.

Another important cult is the Draupati Amman cult. Kannaki Amman worship is also found among the Jaffna Tamils. The Draupati Amman cult is rarely seen in the Jaffna tradition. Tee Midi or Fire-walking, though performed at other cult centres also, is the main form of votive offering at these shrines. There is also the worship of Amman and Kali.

Some of the major art forms of Batticaloa are yet associated with religious rituals - the Kuravai, Vacantan, and the Kompu-murittal. The Batticaloa theatre, consisting of the Vatamoti and Tenmoti plays are even now largely votive offerings performed during the post-harvest season. The entire village joins in the production of a kuttu or play. ^[13]

[edit] Position of Trincomalee

Trincomalee on the north of the Eastern Province is really a halfway house between the Jaffna and the Batticalo systems. With Mullaitivu on its northern boundary and Batticalo on its south it has had a Tamil population which has been maintaining its relationship with both parts. Triconamalee with its famous Tiru Koneswaram Temple, the second of the Hindu shrines hallowed by the Bakthi songs or Tevarams of Campantar and Cuntarar is vital to the Hindu Tamil traditions of Sri Lanka.

Going northwards form Triconamalee we come to Vavuniya, Mullaitivu districts, known as the Vanni.^[14]

[edit] Northern Tamils

Jaffna with a history of a kingdom (Jaffna Kingdom) of its own taken as an important legitimising factor in the political demands of the SLT has throughout been an articulating centre in the constitutional demands of the Tamils. ^[15]

[edit] Social Organization of Northern Tamils

The following are the important caste groups seen in Jaffna today:

Main article: Caste in Sri Lanka#Northern Tamil system

The caste system in Jaffna is very much Vellalar based and an ideology of Vellala hegemony has been built up over the centuries through caste myths and histories which have legitimised the hegemony. Ideologically speaking the most interesting are the sat-shudra concept which takes away from the Vellalar the defilements spoken of in relations to shudras as the lowest in the varna hierarchy and the formation of the pancama castes (lit: the fifth caste consisting of Nalavar, Pallar, Vannar, Ampattar and Paraiyar) so that the Vellalar as shudras are no more the lowest.^[16]

[edit] Tamils of Vanni

Vanni is characterised by the developed village, with a tank-based cultivation a highland settlement and the jungle beyond. The livestock of buffaloes, bulls and cows is related to the agrarian system. Hunting in this area is more than a pastime; it is necessary to keep the cultivation going.

The Tamil Vanni consists of Vavuniya, Mullaitivu and Eastern Mannar. A census taken in 1890 listed 711 tanks in this area. Historically speaking this area has been in direct contact with South India in the Late Medieval period.

• Nedunkerni,
• Putukkutiiruppu,
• Mulliyavalai and
• Tenneerurru

are some of the better known Vanni villages and their characteristics and social composition could be taken as representative of the Vanni traditions.

Vanni Tamils distinguish themselves from those of Jaffna. But quite often they have marital relations with the Tamils living in the Jaffna peninsula. For instance the Vellalar of Tanneerurru, Odducuttan and Netunkeni have marriage relations with the Vellalars of Mattuvil and Itaikkatu. The Karaiyar of the Vanni have marriage relations with those living in Valvettiturai and Karaveddi and also with the Karaiyars from Tennamaravady and Tampalakamam in the eastern province. Once the marriage is over the couple, generally speaking, settle down in Vanni because of the availability of land. ^[17]

[edit] Social structure of Vanni Tamils

Vanni being primarily agricultural, farmers dominate, but there has always been a tendency for all these castes to take to agriculture. The Tamil proverb current in vanni, a variation of a well known one indicating the upward mobility of many non Vellala caste groups to Vellala status, depicts the Vanni situation rather pithily, Kallar Maravar Kanatta Akampatiyar mella mellap pallarkalum vellalar anarkal

It means not only the Kallar the Maravar and the weighty Akampatiyar even the Pallar gradually became Vellalar.

J. P. Lewis in his The manual of the Vanni district gives a list of 36 castes of which Vanniar caste, one which is not found in the Jaffna system but is very important in the Tamilnadu system, but it no longer exists. The caste system is less rigid in the Vanni. Because of the peculiar feature of the Vanni where elephant noosing or wild elephant catching for Jaffna kings, it was done by a caste called Panikkan.

Vanni has a very rich oral tradition connected with agriculture, a feature not seen much in other areas. The oral poetry of

• Pantippall kuruviccintu,
• Kuruviappallu,
• Murukaiyan cintu and
• Amman cintu are connected with agriculture.

It has also a very rich dramatic tradition

• Kattavarayan Kuttu and
• Kovalan Kannaki Natakam are well known.^[18]

[edit] Position of Mannar

In an overall grouping up of culture areas within the Tamil speaking region of Sri Lanka, Mannar presents a problem. This region on the North-West of the Northern province, now taken as part of the Vanni electoral district, was till recently a bigger district with Mullaitivu within it. It lies to the north-western border and is the closest point in Sri Lanka to South India. It has a long littoral region thus making it a rich fishing area. It has been rich in pearl fisheries from historical times. In spite of the fact that in the land interior it has as much a tank-based agrarian economy as the Vanni, the littoral character dominates. Mannar has a substantial Muslim population (26.6%) and among the Tamils the Roman Catholics are very influentially placed.

It is of interest to note that on the south it is contiguous with Puttalam district which until the first two decades of this century had a substantial Tamil Catholic population. It is well known fact of Roman Catholic Church history that there was a process of Sinhalisation or assimilation into Sinhalese identity of these fishermen during the time of Bishop Edmund Peiris. The fishermen of the north western coast beginning from Negombo go to the Mannar and Mullaitivu areas for seasonal fishing. They were also known as Negambo Tamils.[19]

One should not fail to understand the rich Roman Catholic tradition that is prevalent in Mannar. It was the first area to be converted and had therefore come under the influence such illustrious personalities like Francis Xavier. The Roman Catholics of Mannar have a rich literary and dramatic tradition. The memory of Matottam, the ancient port of trade, looms large in the traditions of Mannar, in fact one of their theatrical forms is referred to as the Matottappanku.

To the Hindu Tamils, Mannar is hallowed by the presence of Thiruketheesvaram the Hindu temple sanctified by the Bhakti songs or tevarams of Sampantar and Sundarar of 7th and 8th centuries A.D.^[20]

[edit] Culture

[edit] Some unique cultural markers

• Unlike in Tamil Nadu, the Brahmins do not exercise social control. Though they are ritually the highest caste, they are employees at temples with well-defined duties and obligations. The dominant caste among SLT is the Vellalas, and except in rare cases they have or had social control.

• In Tamil Nadu the caste system has an observable caste-tribe continuum such as Vanniar, Kallar, Maravar, Irular. Castes are largely occupation based.

• Among the SLT marriages were largely matrilocal; among the TnT it is largely patrilocal.

• Kinship organization and sometimes even the kinship terms are different, for instances, at the non-Brahmin level among the TN Tamils uravinmurai or lineage tradition is very strong; among the SLT even though they have the pakutior or lineage tradition, it is not strong or sustainable.

• Food habits vary, among the SLT there is less use of milk products such as curd SLT and Sinhalese food habits mimic that of the Kerala and south Tamil Nadu.

• SLT dialects of Jaffna, Negombo and Batticaloa are different from the major local dialects of Tamil Nadu. But maintain archaic Tamil words that are used in Malayalam as well Tamil dialects used in southern Kanyakumari district of Tamil Nadu.

• In creative critical writings, SLT literary culture, responding to local needs and aspirations, has been able to carve out a distinct idiom of expression.[21]^[22]

[edit] Religious Life

[edit] Hinduism

Main article: Hinduism in Sri Lanka

Main article: List of Sri Lankan Tamil village deities

The concept of worship in the social discourse in Tamil Hindu tradition is expressed by two terms:

• Kumpitutal like in cami katavul kumpitutal, worship of the lord god and

• Valipatu like in katavulal valipatutal, following the god.

The Tamil word kumpitu comes from a combination of kumpu and itu, to join hands (in worship). This form of establishing a relationship with the deity one worships, arises out of the bhakti concept in which there is an emotional relationship established with the deity in a highly personalized manner. ^[23]

[edit] Places of worship

The places of worship could vary in terms of the object of worship and how it is housed. At best it could be in the form of an agamic koyil, constructed according to the akamam, which is a set of scriptures regulating the temple cult. By an agamic temple is meant a temple replete with a mulattanam rootplace or womb house, which is the innermost room. There is also a koti tampam or flag pillar which indicates the god or goddess. You also find the eluntaruli, the room on the eastern end of northern side of the inner sanctum precincts of the temple, in which the icons, which are taken out on the round inside and outside the temple are kept.

This type of temple is more the exception than the rule. Very often the temples are not that replete, the barest essential would be the ulviti and the veliviti and the important shrines being housed alongside the ulviti. There will be the mulattanam and the eluntaruli kopuram is not always there.

During the period of ethnic crisis since Black July during times of night curfew the Pucai hours are shortened, and all the pucais would be over at least an hour before the curfew begins. During times of day curfew no pucais are held. The conducting or not doing so is known by the sound of the bell tower or the absence of it.

In both these types of temples there would be a resident Kurukkal or Iyer. An Iyer is always a Brahmin; a kurukkal would refer to one from the Vellala tradition also. These are priestly families which have arisen out of the Vellalar caste but observe all the ritual purities that are essential for those who officiate at the pucais.

In terms of the overall number of the places of worship in the Jaffna district these village-level temples would be only a small proportion. Among those with permanent stone-cult structures there is a category of places of worship which would have just one building built in the traditional Dutch architecture having only one small room inside (or some times without a room) to house the icon of the deity. In such temples, which are clan or caste levels ones, there will be no daily pucais. Some one from the caste-group would light the coconut oil lamp every evening and that too if he is ritually clean. The pucai would be only on Friday noons or fore-noon. It may be done by a professional priest, usually a Caivakurukkal, not a brahmin. These are also referred to as koyilkal, temples.

Another type of places of worship does not have icons proper. They would have a culam, trident if the worship is of Kali or Vairavar, and a stone. In terms of the number of temples in Jaffna district this category would be the largest. Any village unit would have about at least 100-150 of such places.

There is another category of worship-spots. These are under trees usually big, spreading ones, often Banyan tree, Bo tree, Blackberry tree or Tamarind tree, or even puvaraca maram or Portia trees with flowers. These often consist of a few stones placed at the trunk of the tree with a culam or trident stuck in. Invariably the offering would be done by an elder of the family. On Fridays a coconut oil lamp would be lit. There will be a special rice cooking also known as Pongal done annually or there would be a ponkal done on the Thai Pongal day (January 14/15) and/or the New Year Day (April 14/15).

It needs mention that in the two types of worship-spots or cult-centres mentioned above, special votive offerings are given on the auspicious days of the year or on any Friday in case of any emergency within the family. The emergency would arise because of the illness of someone in the family or some severe stress period the individual has experienced. During such times the blessing of these deities are quite often invoked.

The deities thus worshipped could range from Annamar, Vairavar, Kali to Pillaiar and Murukan. ^[24]

At the village level temples, it is the Pillaiyar temples that are the largest in number. Pillaiyar worship is very much associated with the farmers. ^[25]

Caiva Cittanta or in Sanskrit Shaiva Siddhanta, the school of Hindu thought which is the governing, religious ideology of the upper castes from Jaffna, other follow what is called folk Hinduism, various sects of Christianity or no religion at all.

[edit] Temple as centre of socialization

There are some more aspects of the temple as a centre for socialization and as organ of social control. The temple has been traditionally an important place for socialization. That continues in Jaffna even to this day, especially during festival time; the holiday season in the village. Earlier there had been a ban on any travelling during the festival time. It is difficult to observe it these days, but every one takes effort to see that he/she is in the village during festival time and once there not to undertake trips outside the area. Special effort is taken not to miss the main pucai referred to as the tiruvilappucai, worship at the holy festival. There is sense of participation arising out of the fact that many observe fasting during these days.

These fasts are not rigorous like the kantacatti fast of six days in Aipparai during which one takes only one meal or one glass of tirttam or sometimes even less for a day. In fact, during the annual festival days all the households ensure they are well-stocked for preparation of wholesome, hearty, vegetarian meals.

Attendance at the festivals becomes a social event and adequate notice is taken of who wears what (sarees and jewellery). Those without enough jewellery would prefer not to go to the festival rather than go with an empty neck. Some borrow jewellery, while others redeem their pawned jewellery in time to wear for this occasion, with some of the more generous pawnbrokers loaning the pawned article(s) for use during festival time.

The annual festival time affords an opportunity for concerned people to meet and discuss problems connected with the village and the community. This is also the time for exploring possibilities of marriage, but no wedding ceremony will take place during the annual festival time. The general belief is that when he temple flag is up there should be no other festive ceremony.

The temple as an agent of indirect social control is seen best in the case of the lower groups. The conducting of the festival often drains them of the surplus earnings they have had in the previous year, because of the heavy expenses they incur in the way they conduct the festival. Their belief is that if they have a grand festival there are chances for better earning in the ensuing year. There is also a puritanistic trend that discourages expenditure of this type. The puritan school would like to spend money for arranging lectures by the learned.^[26]

[edit] Social Structure

With the new problems as Sri Lankan Tamils are facing as Tamils and because they are Tamils, there is no doubt an increasing emphasis on the Tamil identity than on the “ intra” identities. When one takes into count the fact that many of the youth are out of the country as refugees, and a large number of families have migrated or are migrating, the question is how does the social organization among the Tamils stand today?

At this point the problem has got to be viewed in an all Tamil perspective for we will find that all the Tamils virtually share the same concepts relating to “ family”. ^[27]

[edit] Economy

In the case of fishing, the following are the caste groups that are considered as traditional fishermen:

• Karaiyar,
• Mukkuvar and
• Timilar.

It is true that occasionally Nalavar and Pallar do some shallow water fishing during rainy season. They use very primitive forms.

Vellalar are the agriculturists. They own the lands. A close analysis of the caste formation in Jaffna would show that many of the intermediate caste groups which were doing vocations which ceased to exist after the socio-historical changes that have been taking place through modernization, like the:

• Matappalliyar,
• Akampatiyar,
• Tanakkarar and even the local
• Chettiars,

have been now absorbed in to the Vellala caste.

An important feature of contemporary caste in Jaffna today is the formation of mega castes. By this is meant the absorption into one caste all those intermediate castes the specific vocations of which do not exist now, or those which, irrespective of the technologies they use are doing the same vocation and are clustered together now.

The mega castes that have arisen thus are the Vellalar, the Karaiyar and the Smiths. It should be noted that the social position assigned to the intermediate castes in the sub regions vary, for instance the social position of the Karaiyar is low in Karaveddi whereas in Valvettiturai they are the dominant caste. ^[28]

[edit] Education

With the opening up of Education in the British period and education itself becoming the gateway to white collar jobs in the government service the consciously guarded social power began to disintegrate. At the beginning it was Christianity that provided the breakthrough. One should not altogether dismiss as mere Christian propaganda that the early efforts at the revitalization of traditional religion (Hinduism) were also meant to check the social mobility that had started taking place. When the traditional main groups found that their social pre eminence was at stake they began to collaborate with the rulers.

With modernization and the ensuing mechanization there came up new professions which eroded the caste-vocation continuum. Driving lorries and tractors, being masons, running and working. in motor-repair shops and garages and such other secondary technology led to a number of people from the lower rungs of the society to get out of the tyrannies of the caste system. Also important was the emergence of urban trade, mostly small trade which again eroded the social exclusiveness that the caste system tended to impose.

Politicization, especially the emergence of Tamil nationalism, was another factor which enabled social mobility. All these led to a process of Sanskritization and many caste groups and subgroups assuming “ respectable” position within the system itself. These led to the absorption of many of the intermediate caste groups onto the higher groups and to many of the lower groups to be independent of the religious isolation that the higher castes tried to impose on them.

The social rigidities of the caste also began to loosen. With the development of the subsidiary food crop production, especially with the boom of the early seventies the traditional tenurial system relating to leasing began to change. Men and women from the lower caste groups began to be employed as agricultural wage labor. They began to demand new work conditions which challenged the traditional caste norms. There began in the fishing industry also the employment of wage labor in fishing.

Equally important, though a later day phenomenon, is the exodus to the Middle East, Europe and North America which enabled carpenters and masons to get very high incomes. This newly earned wealth has led to a new wave of Sanskritization by which social position accruing out of management of religious institutions is being shared by the once socially un-privileged, and underprivileged.^[29]

[edit] Family Life

The Tamil word for family is KUDUMPAM and it does not, even today, refer only to the nuclear family. It is the extended family that is always referred to. There may be so many bickerings (and there are many) within Kutumpam but it is the unit of social existence when it comes to matters relating to marriages and deaths. The extended family would definitely include the parents, brothers and sisters and their children. It is at this point a Kutumpam becomes a PAKUTI (making a section, division) a caste group really consists of such Pakutis. The pedigree of the family, the moral values of a family are all judged in terms of the pakuti’s standing in those matters. This is so because marriage in this situation is largely a question of forging relationships with other families to form not only new solidarities, but also to establish the internal unity of the family that seeks or accepts the marriage proposals.^[30]

[edit] Marriages

Marriage in such a situation becomes an important social arrangement which has got to be carefully negotiated. The choices have got to be made very carefully, because on it would depend the future position of that sons or daughter in the family, his/her usefulness to the younger siblings and the maintenance of that family relationship with the other members of the Kutumpam.

It is true that love marriages do pose problems for this type of family-oriented organizations. And the experience so far has been that love marriages ultimately end up with the parents’ families also getting together or the couple being absorbed into one of the families, either that of the husband or that of the wife.

Marriage of a sister therefore becomes the responsibility of a brother. The social norm yet is that the brother helps enable the sister married comfortably so that the standing of that family goes up in relation to the pakuti.

One could say that the individual in among the Sri Lankan Tamil is, if we understand that term in its original meaning – that which cannot be divided further into substantive figures - it is the family that is the unit of existence, not the single person.

The traditional property law among the Tamils yet envisages such a social organization in which the Kutumpam is taken as the unit of social existence. This is very much so in the Tecavalamai (lit: the usages of the country) the law relating to the Property rights of the Tamils of Jaffna. 1989. See Thesavalamai.^[31]

[edit] Indigenous laws

Main articles: Thesavalamai and Mukkuva laws

Another peculiar aspect of Tamil society in Sri Lanka is its adherence to special laws. Northern Tamils are governed by their own set of laws called Thesavalamai, however most Eastern Tamils follow what are called Mukkuva laws.^[32]

[edit] Ethnic conflict and refugees

Main articles: Sri Lankan Tamil diaspora, State terrorism in Sri Lanka, and Human Rights in Sri Lanka

Even before the advent of ethnic conflicts and civil war in Sri Lanka, Sri Lankan Tamils especially those from Jaffna have been migrating to Malaysia, Singapore and Europe (Germany). Hence there is a large expatriate community in these countries that are well integrated and prosperous unlike in Sri Lanka. Lack of integration with the Sri Lankan mainstream community has been noted as a failure of the community by many commentators. But the Sri Lankan Tamils total integration in Singapore and Malaysia shows that internal political climate in Sri Lanka as the real culprit not the community itself. Especially in Singapore, many politicians both ruling and opposition have hailed from this community. Because of the open and accepting conditions found by the community in the West and South East Asia, many prominent Sri Lankan Tamils of the 21st century are not from Sri Lanka. Since 1983 Srilankan Tamils migrated to Canada in a large amount. Canada has the largest population of Srinkan Tamils living outside of Srilanka.

Due the effects of civil war many aspects of spiritual, social and religious mode of life; even the personal has been adversely affected. Over 64,000 people have been killed or gone missing since Black July of 1983, vast majority of them civilians. A countless number of personal properties, businesses and places of worship have been destroyed. Many Sri Lankan Tamil families are affected via murder, rape, and the disappearance or detention of a loved one. Many have left these deprivations by emigrating to India, Europe and North America as refugees. Countless number of them are internally displaced. There are more displaced Tamils in Colombo today than Jaffna. In Canada there are over 250,000 Sri Lankan Tamils congregated in Ontario province. [33][34]

But the community abroad particularly in the West is prospering and integrating with the host community just like their predecessors did in Malaysia and Singapore a few generations ago. In the 2004 Canadian general elections 2 members of the federal parliament were nominated from this community.

[edit] See also

• Ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka
• Loan words in Sri Lankan Tamil
• Sri Lankan Tamil dialects
• Tamil diaspora
• Tamil Canadians
• List of prominent Sri Lanka Tamils

[edit] External links

• Tamils of Sri Lanka: The quest for human dignity
• Attempted Genocide of Sri Lankan Tamils
• Tamil Alienation in Sri Lanka
• Tamils of Sri Lanka by Professor S. K. Sitrampalam
• Who is a Tamil by C. Sivaratnam
• Jaffna Tamils in Sydney

[edit] References

• ^  Sri Lankan Tamil Society and Politics by Prof Karthigesu Sivathamby.

• ^ Sivathamby K, “ Niraivurai”. Arrankaraiyan. Ed. A. Shanmugada. 1989. Sivathamby K, “ Some Aspects of the Social Organization of the tamils in Sri Lanka”. Ethnicity and Social Change in Sri Lanka. Colombo: Social Scientists Association, 1984.

• ^ Sivathamby K, 2Towards an Understanding of the Culture and Ideology of the Tamils of Jaffna”. Commemorative Souvenir of the Public Library, Jaffna. Jaffna: 1984.

• ^ Quest for dignity by Tamils of Sri Lanka

• ^ Sinhalisation of Putalam:Mampuri an example

• ^ Negombo Tamil dialect