User:SP-KP/James Bulger Redraft
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- For the American wanted by the FBI for murder, see James J. Bulger.
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James Bulger (March 16, 1990 – February 12, 1993) was a toddler from Kirkby, on Merseyside, in the United Kingdom, who was abducted and murdered by two ten-year-old boys, Jon Venables and Robert Thompson.
The murder of James Bulger was unusual in that it was carried out by two other children; this caused considerable shock and outrage among the British public, particularly in Liverpool and surrounding towns. The murder is however, also regarded as having longer term significance, for two main reasons:
- it sparked a debate about the causes of violence by children, in particular the effects of video nasties
- that as a result of the legal proceedings around the sentencing of Robert Thompson and Jon Venables, the powers of the British Home Secretary to set minimum terms for life sentence prisoners were curbed.
James Bulger is often referred to as Jamie Bulger in press reports.
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[edit] The abduction and murder
James Bulger was on a shopping trip with his mother, Denise, at Bootle Strand Shopping Centre on February 12, 1993; Jon Venables and Robert Thompson were also there on that day, playing truant from school. During this trip, Denise Bulger allowed James to stand outside in the main concourse of the shopping centre while she entered a butcher's shop, and it was at this point that the abduction occurred.
Thompson and Venables had attempted to walk off with another two-year old child a few minutes earlier; although they had succeeded in luring him away from his mother and were in the process of taking him out of the shopping centre, the child's mother noticed him missing and ran outside and called him back.
This CCTV image, taken at 15:39, shows the two boys leading James out of the precinct.
The youngsters took Bulger on a 2½ mile (4 km) walk. At one point they led him to a canal, where James sustained some injuries to his head and face after apparently being dropped to the ground. Later on in their journey, a witness reported seeing James being kicked in the ribs by one of the boys to encourage him along.
During the entire walk, the two boys and James were seen by 38 people, some of whom noticed an injury to the infant's head and later recalled that he seemed distressed. Others reported that James appeared happy and was seen laughing, the boys seemingly alternating between hurting and distracting him. A few members of the public challenged the two older boys, but they claimed they were looking after their younger brother, or that he was lost and that they were taking him to the police station, and were allowed to continue on their way. They eventually led Bulger to a section of railway line near Walton.
At this location, one of the boys threw blue modelling paint on James's face. They kicked him and hit him with bricks, stones and a 22 lb (10 kg) iron bar. The boys molested James's penis (the exact details are somewhat vague) and placed batteries in his mouth. Before they left him, the boys laid James across the train tracks and weighed his head down with rubble, in hopes that a passing train would hit the James and make his death appear to be an accident involving a careless boy and a train. Two days later, on Sunday of the same week, Bulger's body was discovered, having been cut into two pieces by a goods train. A pathologist later testified that James had died before his body was run over by the train.
[edit] The arrest and trial
Within days, Thompson and Venables were arrested.
Initially, the boys were referred to in public simply as "Child A" (Thompson) and "Child B" (Venables). However, the widely publicised nature of the murder, and public reaction to it, together with the difficulty of controlling information distributed on the Internet, meant that their names became known. Public shock at the murder was compounded by the release of mug shots taken during initial questioning by police. The pictures showed a pair of frightened children, and many found it hard to believe such a crime had been perpetrated by two people so young.
Five hundred angry protesters gathered at South Sefton Magistrates Court during the boys' initial court appearances. The accused's parents were moved to different parts of the country and had to assume new identities following a series of death threats.
The full trial took place at Preston Crown Court. The trial was conducted as an adult trial would have been, with the accused sitting in the dock away from their parents and with the judge and court officials dressed in full legal regalia. Each boy sat in full view of the court on raised chairs (so they could see out of the dock designed for adults) accompanied by two social workers. Although they were separated from their parents, they were within touching distance of them on days that their families attended the trial. News stories frequently reported on the demeanour of the defendants, since they were in full view of reporters. These aspects of the trial were later criticised by the European Court of Human Rights who ruled that they had not received a fair trial.
The boys offered no evidence in their defence and were found guilty of the abduction and murder of Bulger. A second charge, relating to the earlier attempted abduction of a different child, was dropped when the jury failed to reach a verdict.
[edit] Sentencing
Thompson and Venables were sentenced to imprisonment at a young offenders institution at "Her Majesty's Pleasure"—a British legal term meaning an indefinite period, reviewed by the Government from time to time — that is particularly used as a substitute for life sentencing for minors.
The trial judge Justice Morland set their minimum period of incarceration to eight years. This was increased on appeal by the Lord Chief Justice, Lord Taylor of Gosforth, to ten years and later by the Home Secretary, Michael Howard, to fifteen years on the grounds that he was "acting in the public interest". This decision was widely criticised as Howard appeared to be trying to make a political gain from his role in the judicial process: it was overturned in 1997 by the Law Lords. In October 2000, Lord Chief Justice Harry Woolf reduced their minimum sentence by two years for their behaviour in detention, effectively restoring the original trial judge's eight-year term.
[edit] Proposed causes
[edit] Social and family background?
Other media commentators blamed the behaviour of Venables and Thompson on their families, or on their social situation, living in one of the most deprived areas of the UK. The Liverpool Echo described the city at the time of the murder as "a wounded city... The region's economy was on its knees, and unemployment was soaring". A 2001 OFSTED report on Liverpool's schools said that "the city of Liverpool has the highest degree of deprivation in the country".
Following the murder, the boys' mothers—Susan Venables and Ann Thompson—were repeatedly attacked in the street and vilified in the press.
Thompson's father had abandoned his wife and children five years previously, one week before the family home was burned down in a fire. Ann Thompson was a heavy drinker, who found it difficult to control her seven children. Notes (obtained by author Blake Morrison) from an NSPCC case conference on the family described it as "appalling". The children "bit, hammered, battered, tortured each other". Incidents in the report include Philip (the third child) threatening his older brother Ian with a knife. Ian asked to be taken into foster care, and when he was returned to his family, he attempted suicide with an overdose of painkillers. Both Ann and Philip had also attempted suicide in the past.
Jon Venables's family was less chaotic; although his parents were also separated, they lived near to each other, and he lived at his father's house two days a week. Both his older brother and his younger sister had learning disabilities which were severe enough to make it necessary that they attend special schools (for children too disabled to be taught in the mainstream system). Jon himself was hyperactive and had attempted to throttle another boy in a fight at school. The police had been called to Susan Venables's house in 1987, when she left her children (then aged 3, 5 and 7) alone in the house for 3 hours. Case notes from that incident describe Susan's "severe depressive problem" and suicidal tendencies.
[edit] Video violence?
One of the aspects of the case that gained much media attention was whether Venables and Thompson had been watching violent films in the days and months prior to the murder, and whether or not those movies had contributed to making the pair act in the way they did. The judge mentioned that one of their fathers possessed a large collection of violent videos, and that they probably had access to them whilst playing truant from school. As James' death was similar to the death in the film, and the father of one of the boys had been known to hire this film the week before the murder, The Sun newspaper explicitly named Child's Play 3 as a movie they had seen and printed a full front-page picture of the menacing Chucky, the child-killing doll of that horror series. However, no evidence that the boys had watched such movies was formally presented to the jury, but the case gave rise to a national debate about the acceptability of violent media. Although no films were subsequently banned by the British Board of Film Classification, several video rental chains voluntarily stopped stocking Child's Play 3 and other titles listed by The Sun.
In early 1994, David Alton, a local Liberal Democrat MP and long-time campaigner against violent movies, commissioned Professor Elizabeth Newson to report on Video Violence and the Protection of Children, in order to bolster his case for an amendment to the forthcoming Criminal Justice Bill. Her report, which consisted primarily of a review of similar studies from around the world, stated that there was a strong link between video violence and real world violence, and that although correlation does not necessarily imply causation, she believed there was causation in this case. [1] The report's method came under fierce criticism from those opposed to Alton's amendment (see e.g., J. McGuigan, Culture and the Public Sphere).
Professor Henry Jenkins of MIT has responded to similar political scapegoating in several interviews and articles, e.g.: When politicians ... target video game violence, perhaps it is to distract attention from the material conditions which give rise to a culture of domestic violence, the economic policies which make it harder for most of us to own our homes, and the development practices which pave over the old grasslands and forests. [2]
[edit] Multiple causes?
Another report on children and video violence was published in 1998; it was commissioned by the Home Office in 1995 in response to fears raised by Bulger's murder. The authors, Dr Kevin Browne and Amanda Pennell of Birmingham University, emphasised the link between a violent home background and offending:
Our research cannot prove whether video violence causes crime. But it does highlight the importance of family background and the offender's own personality and thoughts in determining the effects of film violence.
The research points to a pathway from having a violent home background, to being an offender, to be being more likely to prefer violent films and violent actors. Distorted perceptions about violent behaviour, poor empathy for others and low moral development all enhance the adoption of violent behaviour and violent film preferences. [3]
[edit] Appeal and release
In 1999, lawyers acting for Venables and Thompson appealed to the European Court of Human Rights on the grounds that the boys' trial had not been impartial, since they were too young to be able to follow the proceedings and understand the workings of an adult court. They also claimed that Howard's intervention led to a "charged atmosphere", making a fair trial impossible. The Court found in the boys' favour.
The European Court case led to the new Lord Chief Justice, Lord Justice Woolf, reviewing the minimum sentence imposed. In October 2000, he recommended the tariff be reduced from ten to eight years, adding that young offenders' institutions were a "corrosive atmosphere" for the juveniles.
In June 2001, after a six-month review of the case, the Parole Board ruled the boys were no longer a threat to public safety and were thus eligible for release now that the minimum tariff had expired. The Home Secretary, David Blunkett, approved the decision, and they were both released that summer. They will live out their lives on a "life licence", which allows for their immediate re-incarceration if they break the terms of their release, that is if they are seen to be a danger to the public.
An estimated total of £4 million was invested in helping Thompson and Venables rebuild their lives on release from custody.
The Manchester Evening News provoked controversy by naming the secure institutions in which the pair were housed, and this was in possible breach of the injunction against press publicity which had been renewed early in 2001. In December of that year, the paper was found guilty of contempt of court and fined £30,000 and ordered to pay costs of £120,000.
The injunction against the press reporting on the boys' whereabouts applies only in England and Wales, and newspapers in Scotland or other countries can legally publish such information. With easy cross-border communications due to the internet, many expected their identities and whereabouts to quickly become public knowledge. Indeed, in June 2001, Venables's mother was quoted by the News of the World as saying that she expected her son to be "dead within four weeks" of release. Her lawyers lodged a formal complaint with the Press Complaints Commission saying that Mrs Venables had said no such thing. By that time, however, the phrase had been widely re-reported. As of 2004, no publication of their new identities or vigilante action has come to pass. Despite this, James's mother, Denise, told how in 2004 she received an anonymous tip-off that helped her locate Robert Thompson. She said she saw him but was "paralysed with hatred", and did not communicate with him in any way.
[edit] Similar events
[edit] References
- The Guardian (1993-2002) Special Report: The James Bulger Case, retrieved 23 April 2005.
- BBC News (24 June 2001) Bulger killers 'face danger', retrieved 23 April 2005.
- BBC News (22 June 2001) Bulger statement in full, retrieved 23 April 2005.
- Laurence Lee, Unknown date, The hardest case, retrieved 23 April 2005.
[edit] Video violence
- 'Ten things wrong with the media effects model' article by David Gauntlett
- The British Video Standards Commission's articles on video violence
- Response from the British Board of Film Classification to the 1998 Home Office study
Bulger, James Bulger, James Bulger, James Bulger, James Bulger, James
[edit] Text to be reintegrated into the above
The trial judge ordered that the two boys should be detained for "very, very many years to come". Shortly after the trial, Lord Taylor of Gosforth, the Lord Chief Justice, ordered that the two boys should serve a minimum of 10 years behind bars—which would make them eligible for release in 2003. But the popular press and certain sections of the public felt that the sentence was too lenient, and the editors of The Sun handed a petition bearing 300,000 signatures to Home Secretary Michael Howard in a bid to increase the time spent in custody. In 1995, the two boys' minimum period to be served was increased to 15 years, a ruling which meant they would not be considered for release until 2008, by which time they would both be 26 years old.
In 1997, however, the Court of Appeal ruled that Michael Howard's decision to set a 15-year tariff was unlawful, and the Home Secretary lost his power to set minimum terms for life sentence prisoners under the age of 18 years (he would later lose his powers to set minimum terms for adult life sentence prisoners in 2002).
Thompson and Venables were released on a life licence in June 2001 after serving eight years of their life sentence (reduced for good behaviour), when a parole hearing concluded that public safety would not be threatened by their rehabilitation into society. An injunction was imposed shortly after the trial preventing the publication of details about the boys for fear of reprisals by members of the public. The injunction remained in force following their release so that details of their new identities and locations could not be published.
James' mother, Denise Bulger, was given £7,500 criminal compensation from the government. The trauma of James' death led to the collapse of his parents' marriage. Ralph and Denise Bulger have both since re-married to other respective spouses.
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As the circumstances surrounding the death became clear, tabloid newspapers compared the killers with Myra Hindley and Saddam Hussein. They denounced the people who had seen Bulger but not realised the trouble he was in as the "Liverpool 38" (see: Kitty Genovese, Bystander effect). Within days, the Liverpool Echo had published 1,086 death notices for Bulger. The railside embankment upon which James's body had been discovered was flooded with hundreds of bunches of flowers: One of these floral tributes was laid by Robert Thompson. Within days, he and Venables were arrested.
Forensics tests confirmed that both boys had the same blue paint on their clothing as was found on James's body. Both had blood on their shoes; blood on Jon Venables' shoe was matched to James' through DNA tests.
