South Thailand insurgency

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South Thailand insurgency
The southern provinces of Thailand showing the Malay-Muslim majority areas
Date 2004– ongoing Location South Thailand Result ongoing
Combatants
Thailand	Muslim separatists Pattini Raya
Commanders
Gen. Somthat Bunrot Surayud Chulanont	Unknown
Casualties
1,815 civilians killed 2,729 wounded	1,400

The South Thailand insurgency is a separatist campaign centered in the Pattani region, three southern provinces of Thailand, with violence increasingly spilling over into neighbouring provinces and threatening to extend up to the national capital in Bangkok. A long series of conflicts has resulted in over 2000 deaths in the past decade, with more than 1000 occurring since an escalation of violence in January of 2004. In July of 2005 the Prime Minister of Thailand, Thaksin Shinawatra, assumed wide-ranging emergency powers to deal with the insurgency. In September 2006, Army Commander Sonthi Boonyaratkalin was granted an extraordinary increase in executive powers to combat the unrest.^[1] On 19 September, Sonthi and the Thai military seized power from Thaksin. Despite reconciliatory gestures from the junta, the insurgency has continued.

Contents 1 Background 2 The current insurgency 2.1 Causes of the insurgency 2.2 Escalation of violence 3 Massacre at Krue Sae Mosque 4 Tak Bai incident 5 National Reconciliation Commission 6 Negotiation attempts 7 Recent attacks and responses 7.1 After the September 2006 coup 8 Post-coup reorganization 9 Ongoing violence 9.1 School shutdown 9.2 Escalating violence 9.3 Junta responses 10 Government harassment of suspected insurgents 11 Notes 12 See also 13 Sources 14 External links

[edit] Background

The Kingdom of Siam exercised a loose sovereignty over the northern part of the Malay Peninsula, including the Malay Sultanates of Kedah, Kelantan, Pattani, Perlis and Terengganu, from the 16th century (see History of Thailand). In 1902, Pattani was formally annexed by Siam. Seven years later, under the Anglo-Siamese Treaty of 1909, the British colonial administration in Malaya forced the King of Siam to cede sovereignty over all of these except Pattani to Britain, while the British recognized Siamese sovereignty over Pattani, which became a monthon (region) of Siam. In 1933 the monthon Pattani was divided into the provinces of Narathiwat, Pattani and Yala.

During the 20th century the area was, to some extent, assimilated into Thai society. Most people acquired Thai names, and there was substantial Thai Buddhist settlement in the area. Today Thai is the language of the government and of business; most southerners speak and understand Thai. But some 2.6 million people in the three provinces, as well as some districts in Songkhla Province, still speak Malay as their first language, and have remained Muslims despite considerable Buddhist missionary efforts. Over 80% of the population in Pattani, Yala and Narathiwat continue to adhere to Islam. However, the Pattani Malays have little sense of connection with the Malays of modern Malaysia, and they speak a distinct local version of the language known as Yawi.

There has been a separatist movement in Pattani since at least the 1930s, but under successive Thai military regimes it was firmly suppressed. During World War II, Thailand, under the nationalist regime of Field Marshal Phibunsongkhram, was an ally of Japan. Tengku Mahmud Mahyuddin, a prominent Pattani leader who was the son of the last Raja of Pattani, allied himself with the British. His hope was should the allies win, Pattani would be granted independence after the war. After the war, there was an attempt to establish a "Greater Malay Pattani State" (Negara Melayu Patani Raya), but the British gave this movement no support and hopes of an independent Pattani were shattered.

In the late 1940s, when the Phibun regime tried to impose Thai-language education on the area, the Pattani leader, Haji Sulong Tokmina (who had supported the Japanese during the war as a rival to the pro-British Tengku Mahmud Mahyuddin), wanted cultural autonomy but not independence. He was imprisoned in 1948 and killed by the police shortly after his release in 1952. There was then little overt secessionist agitation until the liberalisation of Thai politics in the 1980s, but separatist groups such as the National Revolutionary Front (Barisan Revolusi Nasional, BRN) survived and maintained a base of support.

Renewed agitation began in the 1990s, led by Malay intellectuals influenced by revolutionary and Islamist ideas from the Middle East. The BRN split into three rival factions, of which the most militant were the BRN Coordinate and the BRN Congress. The BRN Congress is now regarded as the most active group, but there are several others, and competition between these militant groups has helped fuel the insurgency. It is believed that there is now a co-ordinating body called the Pattani United Liberation Organization (Dewan Pembebasan Pattani or PULO), although little is known about the composition or leadership of the various groups.

PULO's platform is highlighted by its Islamic nationalist goals, calling the Thai presence in Pattani "a colonisation" and an "illegal occupation." Its stated aims are to secede from Thailand through military and political means, and to create a state named Patani Darul Makrif (Pattani, Land of Good deeds). The PULO flag has four red and white stripes and a blue rectangle on the upper left with a crescent and a star similar to other Malaysian Malay states

[edit] The current insurgency

[edit] Causes of the insurgency

Thailand

This article is part of the series: Politics and government of Thailand

King Bhumibol Adulyadej Prime Minister Surayud Chulanont 2005-2006 political crisis 2006 coup d'état Council for National Security Sonthi Boonyaratkalin Civilian interim government Cabinet of Thailand National Assembly Political parties Elections April 2006 (invalidated) October 2006 (cancelled) next (2007) Constitutions 1997 Constitution (abrogated) 2006 Interim Constitution Next Constitution (referendum) Constitutional Court Provinces and districts Human rights South Thailand insurgency Foreign relations Foreign aid

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A resurgence in violence by Pattani separatist groups began in 2001. The identity of the actors pushing conflict remain mostly obscure. Many local and regional experts have implicated the region's traditional separatist groups, such as PULO, BRN and GMIP, and particularly the BRN-Coordinate (a faction of BRN). Others have suggested the violence is being driven by new, more overtly religious networks. Some experts contend this occurred under the influence of foreign Islamist groups such as al-Qaeda and Jemaah Islamiyah, though the evidence for such connections is flimsy at best and such claims remain highly contentious. Some reports suggest that a number of Pattani Muslims have received training at al-Qaida centres in Pakistan, though many experts believe, to the contrary, that the Pattani separatism has little or nothing to do with global jihadism. Others have claimed that the Pattani insurgents have forged links with groups such as the religious-nationalist Moro Islamic Liberation Front in the Philippines and the quasi-secular Free Aceh Movement (GAM) in Indonesia.

At first the government blamed the attacks on "bandits," and indeed many outside observers believe that local clan, commercial or criminal rivalries do play some part in the violence in the region. As recently as July of 2002 in the wake of over 14 policemen dying in separate attacks since the beginning of the year, Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra publicly denied the role of religion in the attacks, when quoted as saying he did not "think religion was the cause of the problems down there because several of the policemen killed were Muslim" [1]. Interior Minister Purachai Piemsomboon attributed the attacks on the police to the issue of drug control, as the "police are making serious efforts to make arrests over drugs trafficking."

In 2002, Shinawatra stated, "There's no separatism, no ideological terrorists, just common bandits." By 2004 he had reversed his position, and has come to regard the insurgency as the local front in the global War on Terrorism. Martial law was [2] instituted in Pattani, Yala and Narathiwat in January of 2004, and violence increased, with 200 Muslims killed by troops during the year. In April, troops killed over 100 Muslim men in Yala province who attacked well-defended police stations with only light weapons, in what police described as "suicidal" attacks.

In 2005, Bangkok Senator Sophon Supapong accused the United States of being the mastermind behind bombings in Hat Yai. His accusation was seconded by Perayot Rahimmula, Democrat MP and professor at Prince of Songkhla University (Pattani campus), though they could provide no convincing evidence to back up their accusation.^[2]

In 2006, Thai Army chief Sonthi Boonyaratglin suggested that former communist insurgents might be playing a role in the unrest.^[3] Governors of the southern provinces showed some skepticism over his suggestion, but investigated the connection.

A striking aspect of the South Thailand insurgency is the anonymity of the people behind it and the absence of concrete demands. Thailand had held relatively free elections in February of 2005, and no secessionist candidates contested the results in the south. However, requests of cultural and religious freedom and the right to use the Yawi language have been presented numerous times. In July, the chairman of the Narathiwat Islamic Committee was quoted as saying, "The attacks look like they are well-organized, but we do not know what group of people is behind them."

Since the 2006 coup that replaced Thaksin, the Thai government has taken a more conciliatory approach to the insurgency, avoiding excessive uses of force and beginning negotiations with known separatist groups. The government has not been able to stop the violence altogether. This likely backs the assertion that there are several groups involved in the violence, only some of whom have been placated by the government's change of strategy.^[4]

[edit] Escalation of violence

Attacks after 2001 concentrated on installations of the police and military, schools and other symbols of Thai authority in the region were burned. Local police officers of all ranks and government officials were the primary targets of seemingly random assassinations, with 19 policemen killed and 50 insurgency-related incidents in the three provinces of Pattani, Yala and Narathiwat by the end of 2001.

While earlier attacks were typified by drive-by shootings in which patrolling policemen were shot by gunmen on passing motorcycles, this quickly escalated to well coordinated attacks on police establishments, with police stations and outposts ambushed by well-armed groups who subsequently flee with stolen arms and ammunition. In 2002, 75 insurgency-linked attacks amounted to 50 deaths among police and army personnel. In 2003, officials counted 119 incidents. The mounting scale and sophistication of the insurgency eventually prompted the government into a recognition that there was a serious issue in the southern provinces.

On January 4, 2004, unidentified gunmen raided an army ammunition depot in Narathiwat Province in the early morning, and made off with over 100 rifles and other ammunition. In the midst of doing so, all four senior-ranking soldiers guarding the installation were murdered. This incident quickly escalated into large scale violence, with insurgents killing 600 people in a series of bombings and shootings aimed mainly at the police and the military, but also many civilians. Some bombings were directed at non-Muslim Thai residents of the area, leading to an exodus which has damaged the regional economy and increased its isolation from the rest of Thailand.

The Thai response to the insurgency was hampered by a lack of training in counter-insurgency methods, lack of understanding of local culture, and rivalries between the police and the army. Many local police are involved in the local drug trade and other criminal activities, and army commanders from Bangkok treat them with disdain. The army responded to insurgent attacks with heavy-handed raids on Muslim villages, which only resulted in reprisals. Insurgents provoke the inexperienced Thai government into disproportionate responses, generating sympathy among the Muslim populace.

Estimates of the strength of the insurgency vary greatly. In 2004 General Panlop Pinmanee said that there were only 500 hard-core insurgents. Other estimates say there as many as 15,000 armed insurgents. Some Thai analysts believe that foreign Islamist groups are infiltrating the area, and that foreign funds and arms are being brought in, though again, such claims are balanced by an equally large body of opinion suggesting this remains a distinctly local conflict.

The insurgency escalated, with a series of bomb attacks in Songkhla on April 3, 2005, and a major attack being launched on the provincial capital of Yala in July. In response, Thaksin issued a decree giving himself sweeping powers to direct military operations, suspend civil liberties, and censor the press. This action sparked protests from liberal sections of the Thai media and opposition parties.

In 2005, 131 civilians from the south fled to neighbouring Malaysia seeking refuge from the Thai authorities. Thailand immediately accused the refugees of being insurgents (even though women and children were in the group) and demanded that they be returned, sparking a diplomatic spat. Currently, the people are still in Malaysia.

On June 15, 2006, during the 60th anniversary of the accession of Bhumibol Adulyadej to the Thai throne, well coordinated bomb-attacks against at least 40 government and official buildings occurred. Two police officials died and 11 others were injured. Experts say that the bomb attacks were a message to the Thai authorities, rather than an attempt to do real damage, as the bombs were loaded with small amounts of explosives. Had the devices been larger, the casualties and injuries would have been notably greater. The Thai media was late in reporting the incident, and only did so after the BBC and other international broadcasters announced it.

On 22 November 2006, Wan Kadir Che Wan, leader of Bersatu, an umbrella organization for southern separatist groups, told Al Jazeera television that the Al-Qaeda-linked Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) terrorist network was helping local insurgents stage attacks in Thailand.^[5]

[edit] Massacre at Krue Sae Mosque

On 28 April 2004, more than 100 militants carried out attacks against 10 police outposts across Pattani, Yala and Songkhla provinces in southern Thailand.^[6] 32 insurgents retreated to the Krue Sae Mosque, the holiest mosque in Pattani.

General Pallop Pinmanee, commander of the Southern Peace Enhancement Center and Deputy Director of the Internal Security Operations Command was the most senior Army commander on the scene. After a tense seven hour stand-off, Pinmanee ordered an all out assault on the mosque. All the insurgents were killed. He later noted that "I had no choice. I was afraid that as time passed the crowd would be sympathetic to the insurgents, to the point of trying to rescue them."^[7]

It was later revealed that Pallop's order to storm the mosque contravened a direct order by Defense Minister Chavalit Yongchaiyudh to seek a peaceful resolution to the stand-off no matter how long it took.^[8] Pallop was immediately ordered out of the area, and later tendered his resignation as commander of the Southern Peace Enhancement Center. The forward command of the Internal Security Operations Command (ISOC), which Pallop headed, was also dissolved. A government investigative commission later found that the security forces had over-reacted. The Asian Centre for Human Rights questioned the independence and impartiality of the investigative commission. In 3 May 2004 during a Senate hearing, Senator Kraisak Choonhavan, noted that most of those killed at Krue Se Mosque were shot in the head and there were traces that rope had been tied around their wrists.

The incident resulted in a personal conflict between Pallop and Defense Minister Chavalit, who was also director of the ISOC.^[9] Pallop later demanded that the Defense Minister stop any involvement in the management of the southern insurgency.^[10]

[edit] Tak Bai incident

Main article: Tak Bai Incident

In October of 2004 the town of Tak Bai in Narathiwat province saw the most publicized incident of the insurgency. Six local men were arrested of having supplied weapons to insurgents. A demonstration was organized to demand their release and the police called in army reinforcements. The army used tear gas and water cannons on the crowd, and shooting started in which seven men were killed.

Hundreds of local people, mostly young men, were arrested. They were made to take off their shirts and lie on the ground. Their hands were tied behind their backs. Later that afternoon, they were thrown by soldiers into trucks to be taken to the Ingkayutthaboriharn army camp in the nearby province of Pattani. The prisoners were stacked five or six deep in the trucks, and by the time the trucks reached their destination five hours later, in the heat of the day, 78 (???) men had suffocated to death.

This incident sparked widespread protests across the south, and indeed across Thailand, since many non-Muslim Thais were appalled at the army's behaviour. Thaksin, however, gave the army his full support. Those responsible for the ill-treatment and death of the detainees received the most minor of non-custodial punishments. Thaksin's initial response was to defend the army's actions, saying that the 78 men died "because they were already weak from fasting during the month of Ramadan."

Charges were filed against 58 suspects accused of participating in the demonstration. The trials proceeded at a slow place, and as of October 2006, the court had finished questioning of only two out of the 1,500 witnesses in the case. Police were also unable to find 32 Tak Bai protesters who were still at large after fleeing arrest.^[11]

Prime Minister Surayud Chulanont gave a formal apology for the incident on 2 November 2006.^[12] The day afterwards, the number of violent acts increased five-fold, compared to the average in the preceding month.^[13]

[edit] National Reconciliation Commission

On March 2005, respected former Prime Minister Anand Panyarachun was appointed as chairman of the National Reconciliation Commission, tasked with overseeing that peace is brought back to the South. A fierce critic of the Thaksin-government, Anand frequently criticized the handling of the southern unrest, and in particular the State of Emergency Decree. He has been quoted to have said, "The authorities have worked inefficiently. They have arrested innocent people instead of the real culprits, leading to mistrust among locals. So, giving them broader power may lead to increased violence and eventually a real crisis." Unfortunately, the situation to deteriorated from 2005 to 2006, with escalating violence, especially among teachers and civilians. Despite much criticism of the Thaksin-government's policies, Anand refused to submit the NRC's final report, choosing instead to wait for the results of the 2006 legislative election [3].

Anand finally submitted the NRC's recommendations on 5 June 2006 [4]. Among them were

• Introducing Islamic law
• Making ethnic Pattani-Malay (Yawi) as a working language in the region
• Establishing an unarmed peacekeeping force
• Establishing a Peaceful Strategic Administrative Centre for Southern Border Provinces

The Thaksin government vowed to implement the recommendations. However, the recommendations were vigorously opposed by Prem Tinsulanonda, the President of King Bhumibol Adulyadej's Privy Council, who stated "We cannot accept that [proposal] as we are Thai. The country is Thai and the language is Thai... We have to be proud to be Thai and have the Thai language as the sole national language" [5].

[edit] Negotiation attempts

Attempts to negotiate with insurgents were hampered by the anonymity of the insurgency's leaders.

In May 2004, Wan Kadir Che Man, exiled leader of Bersatu (an umbrella organization for the PULO, New PULO, and the BRN) and for years one of the key symbolic figures in the separatist movement, stated that he would be willing to negotiate with the Government to end the southern violence. He also hinted that Bersatu would be willing to soften its previous demands for an independent state.^[14][15]

The government initially welcomed the request to negotiate. However, the government response was severely criticized as being "knee-jerk" and "just looking to score cheap political points."^[15] But when it became apparent that, despite his softened demand for limited autonomy, Wan Kadir Che Man had no influence over the the violence, the negotiations were cancelled.^[15] The government then began a policy of not attempting to officially negotiate with the insurgents.^[16]

After being appointed Army Commander in 2005, General Sonthi Boonyaratglin expressed confidence that he could resolve the insurgency. He claimed that he would take a "new and effective" approach to a crisis and that "The Army is informed [of who the insurgents are] and will carry out their duties."^[17]

On 1 September 2006, a day after 22 commercial banks were simultaneously bombed in Yala province, Sonthi announced that he would break with the government no-negotiation policy. However, he noted that "We still don't know who is the real head of the militants we are fighting with."^[18] In a press conference the next day, he attacked the government for criticizing him for trying to negotiate with the anonymous insurgents, and demanded that the government "Free the military and let it do the job."^[19] His confrontation with the government made his call for negotiation extremely popular with the media.^[16] Afterwards, insurgents bombed bombed 6 department stores in Hat Yai city, which up until then had been free of insurgent activities. As always, the identity of the insurgents was not revealed. Sonthi was granted an extraordinary increase in executive powers to combat unrest in the far South.^[20] By 19 September 2006 (after Sonthi overthrew the Thai government), the Army admitted that it was still unsure who to negotiate with.^[21]

[edit] Recent attacks and responses

A massive security presence in the region has failed to stem almost daily violence, usually involving drive-by shootings or small bombings. When the insurgents make a show of strength — generally at least every few months — they have eschewed large-scale attacks, preferring well-coordinated pinprick assaults at many locations while avoiding direct clashes with security forces.[6]

• On November 7, 2004, the Defence Minister of Thailand said that there had been more than 700 casualties in south Thailand since the unrest began in January. Many murders involved shooting and decapitation.

• During 2004 there were at least 15 cases where Buddhists have been beheaded. [7], [8], [9]

• Songkhla bombings. A series of three bombings on April 3, 2005 kill two people leave 66 injured.

• On July 19, 2005, the Thai Prime Minister enacted the "emergency powers law" in order to manage the three troubled states. Several human rights organizations and local press have expressed their concerns that these new powers might be used to violate civil liberty rights. However, the emergency decree was highly popular, with 72% of Bangkok residents and 86% of people in the three southern provinces supporting it.[10]

• On September 1 2005, three bombs exploded almost simultaneously. [11] Subsequently, as many as 131 Thais crossed into Malaysia to seek refuge. [12] Thailand, suspecting that insurgents may also have fled with the refugees, has asked Malaysia to return these Thai citizens but Malaysia has refused on humanitarian grounds. [13]

• On 7 January 2006, four suspected militants fatally shoot two border-policemen in the back at a crowded weekend market in Yala Province. {The Nation) Three others were also killed in separate attacks on the same day [14].

• On 18 June 2006, mass graves were found in southern Thailand [15] [16]

• On 31 August 2006, 22 commercial banks were simultaneously bombed in Yala province, killing a retired military officer and wounding 24 people. Afterwards, Army chief Sonthi Boonyaratglin announced that he would break with government policy and negotiate with the leaders of the insurgency. However, he noted that "We still don't know who is the real head of the militants we are fighting with."[17] In a press conference the next day, he slammed the government for political interference, and asked that the government "Free the military and let it do the job."[18] By 16 September 2006, the Army admitted that it still wasn't sure who to negotiate with.^[22]

• 2006 Hat Yai bombings. On 16 September 2006, six remotely detonated motorcycle bombs simultaneously exploded in the city of Hat Yai, killing four people and wounding more than sixty. A Canadian and a Malaysian were among the dead. [19]

As of September 2006, more than 1,400 people have died in less than three years of southern violence. Most have been innocent bystanders, both Buddhists and Muslims. [20]

[edit] After the September 2006 coup

A brief lull in the insurgency followed the 19 September 2006 coup that overthrew the government of Premier Thaksin Shinawatra. As Army Commander Sonthi Boonyaratkalin settled into his role as head of the junta, violence resumed.

• On 21 September, 2 villagers were shot in Yala, killing one and wounding another.^[23]
• On 23 September, 4 policemen were injured in a bus stop explosion in Pattani. The bus stop was on a road that would be passed by the motorcade of Crown Prince Maha Vajiralongkorn later that afternoon.^[24][25]
• On 25 September, 2 police stations and a military outpost were attacked by 30 gunmen in a coordinated series of attacks in Yala, leaving 2 dead and 1 injured.^[26]
• On 27 September, gunmen killed a grocer and two of his customers in Muang district of Yala and a traveller on the bus from Panare district to Mayo district of Pattani.^[27]
• On 28 September, a teacher protection unit in Sungai Padi district of Narathiwat province was ambushed by a bomb attack, seriously injuring 4 soldiers and killing one.^[28]
• On 4 November, three schools burned to the ground and a person received a gunshot injury.^[29]
• On 9 November, 8 car and motorcycle showrooms were simultaneously bombed in Yala, injuring 13. Almost all gold shops in Muang district closed down for fear of their safety. Commercial banks remained opened but with tightened security.^[30]

Despite the renewed violence, a post-coup opinion poll found that Southerners had become the happiest people of Thailand.^[31] From January 2004 to October 2006, 1,815 people were killed and 2,729 were wounded in the insurgency.^[32]

However, greater violence forced all schools in Yala, Pattani, and Narathiwat provinces to be shut down indefinitely from 27 November 2006. Over 1,000 schools were shut down.^[33][34]

Violence has continued into 2007, on February 18, a series of bombings and arsons began in Narathiwat, Yala and Pattani, and Songkhla provinces. .... people were killed and over 50 were injured. ^[35]

[edit] Post-coup reorganization

The junta implemented a major policy shift by replacing Thaksin's earlier approach with a campaign to win over the "hearts and minds" of the insurgents. Junta chairman Sonthi Boonyaratglin announced that the Southern Border Provinces Administrative Centre (SBPAC) and the Civilian-Police-Military Task Force (CPM) 43 would be revived. Sonthi said the Army-led multi-agency Southern Border Provinces Peace Building Command would be dissolved and its troops would come under the CPM 43, which would operate in parallel with the SBPAC. The SBPAC and CPM 43 had been dissolved in mid-2001 by former Premier Thaksin Shinawatra. Prior to that, CPM 43 was under the directive of the SBPAC. Sonthi also made himself head of the Internal Security Operations Command (ISOC). Previously, the ISOC had been headed by the Prime Minister.^[36]

In November 2006, Prime Minister Surayud Chulanont revealed that the insurgency was being financed by restaurants and stalls selling Tom Yam Kung in Malaysia. Surayud claimed that the Tom Yam Kung network collected money from local businessmen through blackmail and demands for protection fees and channelled the sum to the separatists.^[37] Malaysian Deputy Security Minister Fu Ah Kiow described the revelation as "absolutely baseless," and "very imaginative."^[38]

Junta-chief Sonthi announced that the insurgency was a second priority for him, behind the issue of dealing with "undercurrents" who still supported the deposed elected government.^[39] Meanwhile, the junta shifted intelligence resources, surveillance equipment, and phone-tapping equipment from the South to Bangkok, in order to deal with political dissenters.^[40] Defence Minister Boonrawd Somtas also noted that worries over further attacks in Bangkok did not focus on Southern insurgents, but rather on "a man who is in exile" - a remark that the media interpreted as deposed Prime Minister Thaksin.^[41] Sonthi later refused to transfer additional troops to the South, instead keeping them in Bangkok to perform what he called "community relations work."^[42]

[edit] Ongoing violence

[edit] School shutdown

On November 27th, 2006, after all schools in Pattani announced indefinite shutdown, teachers in Yala and Narathiwat decided to follow suit and close down the schools in the two provinces indefinitely due to fear for safety. The decision in Pattani was made the week before after a series of arson and the brutal and fatal shooting of 2 schoolteachers.Link: Schools in Narathiwat and Yala to be closed indefinitely

[edit] Escalating violence

Violence escalated in the months following the implementation of the junta's "hearts and minds" campaign. The monthly death toll increased by 30% in the 5 months after the coup compared to the 5 months before the coup.^[13] Insurgents targeted Princess Sirindhorn by placing a bomb near her helicopter’s landing pad.^[43] A senior aide to Queen Sirikit, Thanpuying Viriya Chavakul, was injured and narrowly escaped death when gunmen attacked her vehicle convoy on 21 February 2007 in Yala.^[44] She later criticized the government for rotating troops too often, preventing them from building bonds with locals. She also made note of troops' lack of communications equipment and bulletproof vests.^[45]

Facing rising violence, Prime Minister Surayud Chulanont accused junta chief Sonthi Boonyaratkalin of failing to do enough to curb the insurgency.^[46]

After an official visit to Thailand, Malaysian Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi volunteered to act as a mediator in arranging talks between insurgents and Thai authorities. Foreign Minister Nitya Pibulsonggram rejected the offer.^[47]

During the Chinese New Year weekend (from the evening of 18 February 2007 to the afternoon of 19 February 2007), insurgents executed 38 bombing attacks, 26 cases of arson, and seven ambushes. The bombings targeted hotels, karaoke bars, power grids and commercial sites. Two public schools were torched. Three people were arrested.^[48][49] Junta chief Sonthi and Interior Minister Aree Wongsearaya admitted that they knew in advance that attacks were going to take place, then failed to prevent them taking place.^[50] Aree later admitted that the government's southern strategy was flawed.^[51]

In their most significant act of economic terrorism and arson to date, insurgents burned down the Southland Rubber warehouse in Yala, destroying 5,000 tons of rubber worth approximately 400 million baht and engulfing Yala city in a dense cloud of black smoke for 12 hours. 30 fire trucks fought to control the flames in the largest rubber warehouse in the deep south. Spikes were scattered on the road leading to the warehouse to slow down the emergency workers. No casualties were reported.^[52]

On 14 March, 8 commuters from Betong to Haad Yai were executed after their van was stopped by insurgents. A roadside bomb delayed rangers stationed nearby in their efforts to reach the site.^[53]

A Patani United Liberation Organization (PULO) executive blamed a portion of the violence directly on paramilitary rangers who instigated violence and then blamed insurgents for their deeds.^[54]

Crown Prince Vajiralongkorn's motorcade was against targeted with a bombing in March 2007. A local police team found the bomb before it could explode.^[55]

[edit] Junta responses

In the face of escalating violence, the junta announced a switch from defensive to "hard-line" tactics and an improvement of efforts to crack down on narcotics abuse by insurgents.^[56]

In March 2007, the junta's top security advisor admitted that insurgents imported their techniques from Al-Qaeda and the Taliban and were motivated by not only by nationalist reasons, like previous generations of insurgents, but religious extremism as well.^[57][58] However, it noted that it still did not know who was behind the insurgency.^[59]

To protect the Buddhist minority from violence, the Internal Security Operations Command produced Jatukham Rammathep amulets for public distribution. The renowned animist amulets were believed by some to have magical powers to protect their holders from violence and large sums were generally paid for them. The plan was developed by Colonel Manas Khongpan, deputy director of the ISOC in Yala province.^[60]

In March 2007, Queen Sirikit vowed to protect people of all religions in the South, and initiated weapons training programmes for locals, particularly teachers. Sirikit's deputy aide-de-camp Napol Boonthap said that the government should review its strategy and not only use a reconciliatory approach towards the insurgents. "Legal action must also be taken against the wrongdoers to show we mean business," he said.^[55]

[edit] Government harassment of suspected insurgents

The Asian Human Rights Commission accused the military of beating and torturing suspected insurgents by burning their genitals with cigarettes, smashing beer bottles over their knees, and chaining them to dogs. Such abuses were alleged to have occured in October 2006.^[61]

In December 2006, a group of 20 Muslims, 9 men and 11 women aged between 2 and 55, sought political asylum in Malaysia. They claimed that the post-coup regime was more aggressive against civilians and that they were continuously harassed by the Army. The Army admitted that the group sought refuge in Malaysia out of fear for their lives - but that the threat was from militants, not government forces.^[62]

A group of Muslims from Narathiwat that fled to Malaysia in March 2007 claimed that they were escaping intimidation and brutality by the military. The group complained that they have been beaten and that their sons have been missing or detained since 2005. It also claimed that some youths had died after they were poisoned during detention.^[63]

[edit] Notes

[edit] See also

• Islamic extremist terrorism
• 2006 Bangkok Bombings
• Ethnic Separatism

[edit] Sources

• David K Wyatt, Thailand: A Short History (Yale University Press, 2003)
• Pasuk Phongpaichit and Chris Baker, Thaksin: The Business of Politics in Thailand (Silkworm Books, 2004)
• Nirmal Ghosh, "Mystery group runs insurgency in Thai south," Straits Times, 25 July 2005
• "Tak Bai victims and relatives file lawsuits" The Bangkok Post, 23 October 2005

[edit] External links

Note: Some of these websites have been censored for Thailand internet users by CAT Telecom, under orders from the Thailand Ministry of Information and Communication Technology (ICT) [21].

• Al-Jazeera: Thai violence claims more lives
• Unrest in South Thailand: Contours, Causes, and Consequences Since 2001
• Involvement of foreign fighters
• Patani info - A page dedicated to collect news about the conflict
• Inside Thailand's southern insurgency Jane's Terrorism and Security Monitor, 14 September 2006

• "Thailand: Another Official Slain as Souther [sic] Violence Continues." Global News Wire - Asia Africa Intelligence Wire, November 25, 2005.

v • d • e  2005-2006 Thai political crisis
Main events		Timeline		Key persons and organizations
Prelude 1997 Constitution of Thailand South Thailand insurgency Lookkae Long Thang Thaksinocracy Main events "Thaksin Get Out" Corruption in the Suvarnabhumi Airport project Sale of Shin Corporation to Temasek Holdings Finland Plot August 2006 Bangkok car bomb 2006 coup d'état Elections February 2005 April 2006 October 2006 (cancelled) next (2007)		April 2006 March 2006 February 2006 January 2006 December 2005		King Bhumibol Adulyadej Thaksin Shinawatra Prem Tinsulanonda Surayud Chulanont Military junta Sonthi Boonyaratglin Saprang Kalayanamitr Ruangroj Mahasaranon Interim civilian government 2006 Interim Constitution Next constitution of Thailand People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD) Sondhi Limthongkul Chamlong Srimuang Somkeit Pongpaibul Somsak Kosaisuuk Pipob Thongchai