Socialist Party (France)

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Parti Socialiste




Leader	François Hollande

Founded	1905 (SFIO) 1969 (PS)
Headquarters	10, rue de Solférino 75333 Paris Cedex 07

Political Ideology	Social democracy (majority) Social liberalism Democratic socialism (minority factions)
European Affiliation	Party of European Socialists
International Affiliation	Socialist International
Colours	Red, Pink

2007 Presidential candidate	Ségolène Royal

Website	www.parti-socialiste.fr

See also	Constitution of France France Politics French Parliament French Government French President Political parties Elections

The Socialist Party (French: Parti Socialiste or PS) is one of largest political parties in France and the first political force for the local representatives. It replaced the French section of the Workers' International (SFIO) in 1969.

A social democratic party, it first won power under the Fifth Republic with François Mitterrand's victory at the 1981 presidential election. It also won, as part of a coalition, a majority in the National Assembly for the first time. From 1986 to 1988, Jacques Chirac was prime minister during the first cohabitation. A second took place in 1993, when Mitterrand appointed Édouard Balladur as prime minister. The 1995 presidential election was won by Chirac against PS leader Lionel Jospin, putting an end to Mitterrand's 14 years of power. However, the third cohabitation took place when the socialists won the 1997 legislative elections, and Chirac appointed Lionel Jospin as prime minister, a position he held until April 21, 2002, in the presidential election.

The party's candidate for the 2007 presidential election is Ségolène Royal.

1 History of French socialism until 1969
2 The foundation of the PS and the "Union of Left" (1969-1981)
3 Mitterrand's presidency and the practice of the power (1981-1995)
4 Jospin and the "Plural Left" (1995-2002)
5 After the 2002 shock
6 The road to 2007 presidential elections
7 The Leaders (first secretaries)
8 See also
9 External links

[edit] History of French socialism until 1969

Main article: Section Française de l'Internationale Ouvrière

After the failure of the Paris commune (1871), French socialism was figuratively beheaded. Its leaders were killed or exiled. France's first socialist party, the Federation of the Socialist Workers of France (Fédération des travailleurs socialistes de France or FTSF), was founded in 1879. It was defined as "possibilist" because it promoted gradual reforms. Two splits occurred: in 1882, the French Workers' Party (Parti ouvrier français or POF) of Jules Guesde and Paul Lafargue (the son-in-law of Karl Marx), then in 1890 the Revolutionary Socialist Workers Party (Parti ouvrier socialiste révolutionnaire or POSR) of Jean Allemane. At the same time, the heirs of Louis Auguste Blanqui, a symbol of the French revolutionary tradition, created the Central Revolutionary Committee (Comité révolutionnaire central or CRC) led by Edouard Vaillant. There were also some es declared socialist deputies such as Alexandre Millerand and Jean Jaurès who did not belong to any party.

In 1899, the participation of Millerand in Pierre Waldeck-Rousseau's cabinet caused a debate about socialist participation in a "bourgeois government". Three years later, Jaurès, Allemane and the possibilists founded the French Socialist Party while Guesde and Vaillant formed the Socialist Party of France. Then, in 1905, during the Globe Congress, the two groups merged in the French Section of the Workers International (Section française de l'Internationale ouvrière or SFIO). Jaurès became the party leader.

It was hemmed in between the middle class liberals of the Radical Party and the revolutionary syndicalists who dominated the trade unions. Together with the Radicals, who wished to separate Church and State, it participated in the "Block of Lefts" (Bloc des Gauches). In 1906, the General Confederation of Labour claimed its independence.

The French socialists were strongly pacifist, but following the assassination of Jaurès in 1914 they were unable to resist the wave of militarism which followed the outbreak of World War I.

The Socialists suffered a severe split over participation in the wartime government of national unity. In 1919 the anti-war socialists were heavily defeated in elections. In 1920, during the Tours Congress, the majority and left wing of the party broke away and formed the French Section of the Communist International (Section française de l'Internationale Communiste or SFIC) to join the Third International founded by Lenin. The right wing, led by Léon Blum, kept the "old house" and remained in the SFIO.

In 1924 and in 1932, the Socialists joined with the Radicals in the Coalitions of the Left (Cartels des Gauches), but refused to join the non-Socialist governments led by the Radicals Edouard Herriot and Edouard Daladier. These governments failed because the Socialists and the Radicals could not agree on economic policy, and also because the Communists, following the policy laid down by the Soviet Union, refused to support "bourgeois" governments.

In 1934, the Communists changed their line, and the three parties came together in the Popular Front, which won the 1936 elections and brought Blum to power as France's first Socialist Prime Minister. Indeed, for the first time of its history, the SFIO obtained more votes and seats than the Radical Party. Within a year, however, his government collapsed over economic policy and also over the issue of the Spanish Civil War. The demoralised left fell apart and was unable to resist the collapse of the French republic after the military defeat of 1940.

After the liberation of France in 1944, the SFIO re-emerged in a coalition with a powerful Communist Party (which became PCF and the main left-wing party) and the Christian Democratic MRP. This alliance did not survive the Cold War. Blum proposed the construction of a Third Force with the center-left and the center-right, against the Gaullists and the Communists. However, his candidate to lead of the SFIO, Daniel Mayer, was defeated by Guy Mollet.

Mollet was supported by the left wing of the party. Paradoxically, he spoke a Marxist language without questioning the alliance with the center and the center-right. He was Prime Minister at the head of a minority government in 1956. But the party was in decline, as were the Radicals, and the left never came close either to forming a united front. Indeed, for Mollet, "the Communist Party is not on the left, but in the East". The repressive policy of Mollet in the Algerian War and his support for Charles de Gaulle's come-back in 1958 caused a split and the foundation of the Unified Socialist Party (Parti socialiste unifié or PSU). If the SFIO returned to opposition in 1959, it reached its lowest ebb in the 1960s.

Opposed to the principle of the presidential election by the universal suffrage, the SFIO did not nominate candidate at the 1965 election. Furthemore, De Gaulle's re-election appeared inevitable. Consequently, it supported the candidacy of François Mitterrand, a former minister of the Fourth Republic who had been a conservative then an independent of the left. He was resolutely anti-Gaullist. He obtained an honourable result and faced De Gaulle in an unexpected second ballot. So, he appeared like the leader of the non-Communist left.

In order to exist between the Communist Party, leading the left, and the Gaullist Party, leading the country, the SFIO, Radicals, and left wing republican groups created the Federation of the Democratic and Socialist Left under Mitterrand's leadership. But unable to benefit from the May 68 events, it exploded after the disastrous defeat at the June 1968 legislative elections. One year later, the SFIO candidate Gaston Defferre was eliminated in the first round of the 1969 presidential election, with only 5% of votes.

[edit] The foundation of the PS and the "Union of Left" (1969-1981)

In 1969, during the Alfortville Congress, the SFIO was replaced by the Socialist Party (Parti socialiste or PS). It was joined by pro-Pierre Mendès-France clubs (Union of clubs for the renewal of the left led by Alain Savary) and left-wing republican groups (Union of Socialist groups ad clubs of Jean Poperen). During the Issy-les-Moulineaux Congress, Alain Savary was elected Prime secretary with the support of his predecessor Guy Mollet. He proposed an "ideological dialogue" with the Communists.

Two years later, during the Epinay Congress, pro-François Mitterrand clubs (Convention of the Republican institutions), joined the party. Mitterrand defeated the Savary-Mollet duo by proposing an electoral programme with the Communists. In 1972, the Common Programme was signed with the PCF and Leftwing Radicals. The left, and notably the Socialist Party, knew an electoral recovery at the 1973 legislative election. Candidate of the left-wing union, Mitterrand came close to winning the 1974 presidential election. Indeed, he obtained 49.2% of votes in the second round.

At the end of 1974, some PSU members, included the leader of this party Michel Rocard, re-joined the PS. They represented the "left-wing Christian" and non-Marxist group. Settled in the right-wing of the party, it advocated an alignment of French socialism on the European Social-Democracy, that is to say a clear acceptance of the market economy. In the same time, the electoral rise of the PS worried the Communist Party. The two parties failed to update the Common Programme.

In despite of positive polls, the "Union of left" lost the 1978 legislative election. Even if, for the first time since 1936, the Socialists got ahead of the Communists, becoming the main left-wing party, this defeat caused an internal crisis. The leadership of Mitterrand was challenged by Rocard, who wanted abandon the Common Programme which considered archaic and unrealistic. Mitterrand felt that the left could not win without the alliance between the Socialists and the Communists. In 1979, Mitterrand won the Metz Congress, then despite Rocard's popularity, was chosen as PS candidate for the 1981 presidential election.

[edit] Mitterrand's presidency and the practice of the power (1981-1995)

In 1981 Mitterrand defeated the incumbent conservative, Valéry Giscard d'Estaing, to become the first socialist elected President of France by universal suffrage. He was the last elected national leader in Europe to attempt to carry out a socialist agenda, furthering the dirigiste trends of the preceding conservative governments. The Prime Minister Pierre Mauroy nationalised the banks, the insurance industry and the defence industries. Workers' wages were increased and their working hours reduced, and many other sweeping reforms carried out. But the economic crisis continued. As early as 1982, Mitterrand faced a clear choice between maintaining France's membership of the European Monetary System, and thus the country's commitment to European construction, and pursuing his socialist policies. He chose the former, starting the Socialist Party's conversion to the market economy. In 1984 Mitterrand and his second Prime Minister, Laurent Fabius clearly abandoned any further socialist measures. The "Union of Left" died and the Communist ministers resigned.

The PS lost the majority in the French National Assembly in 1986, forcing Mitterrand to "cohabit" with the conservative government of Jacques Chirac. But, Mitterrand was re-elected President in 1988 with a moderate programme entitled "united France". He proposed neitheir nationalizations nor privatizations. He chosen as Prime minister the most popular and moderate of the Socialist politicians, Michel Rocard. His cabinet included 4 center-right ministers but it was supported by a, only relative parliamentary majority elected in June 1988.

During his second presidency, Mitterrand focused on foreign policy and European construction. He convened a referendum for the ratification of the Maastricht Treaty. He left the home policy to his prime ministers: Michel Rocard, Edith Cresson and Pierre Bérégovoy. But the party was hit by scandals about its financing and weakened by the struggle between the heirs of "mitterrandism".

In 1990, during the Rennes Congress, the "mitterrandist group" split between the supporters of Laurent Fabius and the friends of Lionel Jospin. Furthemore, a part of the left-wing of the party, led by Jean-Pierre Chevènement split in due to his opposition to the Gulf War and the Maastricht Treaty. It created the Citizens' Movement (Mouvement des citoyens or MDC). Finally, the "left-wing people" was disappointed by the results of the Socialist governments. At the 1993 legislative election, the PS is sanctioned and returned to the SFIO level of the 1960s.

Claimed "natural candidate" of the party for the following presidential election, Rocard became Prime secretary. He called to a political "big bang", that'is to say an agreement with the center and the center-right, in vain. One year later, his list obtained only 14% of votes at the European election. Henri Emmanuelli, a "mitterrandist" left-winger, succeeded him as Prime secretary. Favourite in the polls, Jacques Delors, president of the European commission, renounced to be the PS candidate in due to the radicalization of the party. Finally, Lionel Jospin is appointed by the militants by proposing to "take stock" of Mitterrand's inheritance. If he was defeated in the second round of the 1995 presidential election by the Neo-Gaullist Jacques Chirac, his honourable result marked an electoral recovery.

[edit] Jospin and the "Plural Left" (1995-2002)

In opposition, the PS reconstructed a coalition with the other left-wing forces: the PCF, the Greens, the Left Radical Party and the MDC. This "Plural Left" (Gauche plurielle) gained the 1997 legislative election and Jospin became Prime Minister of the third "cohabitation".

His policy was broadly progressive but had little to do with socialism as traditionally understood. The Aubry laws reduced the working time to 35 hours a week. A universal medical cover was instituted. However, the policy of privatization was pursued.

His coaltion dislocated with the resignation from the cabinet of the MDC leader Jean-Pierre Chevènement. The Green and Communist allies were weakened by their governmental participation. The 2002 electoral campaign was focused on the theme of the insecurity.

On April 21, 2002 Jospin was eliminated at the first round of the presidential election. He announced his political retirement while the PS called on its supporters to vote for Chirac in order to block the National Front leader Jean-Marie Le Pen. Two months later, the "Plural Left" lost the legislative election.

[edit] After the 2002 shock

Prime secretary since 1997, François Hollande was re-elected in 2003 during the Dijon Congress with the support of the main Socialist personalities, against the left-wing of the party.

In the 2004 regional elections, the Socialists had a major comeback. In coalition with the former "Plural Left", they gained power in 20 of the 22 metropolitan regions (all except Alsace and Corsica) and in the four overseas regions. In fact, it benefited from a "sanction-vote" against the right.

With respect to politics, the Socialist Party has since the 2002 defeat experienced considerable difficulty trying to propose an alternative program to the policy of the right. One factor is the latent divisions between presidential hopefuls.

On December 1, 2004, 59% of the members of the Socialist Party decided to approve the proposed European Constitution. However, several well-known members of the Party, including Laurent Fabius, and left-wingers Henri Emmanuelli and Jean-Luc Mélenchon, asked the voters to vote "no" in the 29 May 2005 French referendum on the European Constitution, at which the proposed Constitution was rejected. The split over the European Constitution, and ambitions for the Socialist candidacy to the 2007 presidential election, have led the party into considerable disarray.

In November 2005, during Le Mans Congress, three main groups were present. The majority supported a moderate text and obtained 55%. Fabius's friends advocated more radical policies and gained 20%. Finally, the "new socialist party" claimed necessity to renovate the party in proposing left-wing policies and a profound reform of the French institutions. It obtained 25% but split.

Virtually all factions agreed on a common agenda, broadly based on the moderate and pro-European majority's position with some left-wing amendments.

[edit] The road to 2007 presidential elections

In view to the 2007 presidential election, a lot of potential candidates appeared: François Hollande, Laurent Fabius (who has joined the left-wing of the party), Dominique Strauss-Kahn (who claimed he represented the "social-democracy"), Jack Lang, Martine Aubry and Ségolène Royal, who was favourite according to the polls. A part of the Socialist personalities asked Jospin to come back. This one declared he was "available" then finally renounced.

On November 16, 2006, the members of the Socialist Party chose Ségolène Royal to be their candidate with 60% of votes. Her challengers, Strauss-Kahn and Fabius, obtained 21% and 19% respectively.