User:SandyGeorgia/Chavez

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In early and mid-2003, Súmate began the process of collecting the millions of signatures needed to activate the presidential recall provision provided for in Chávez's 1999 Constitution. Reports emerged that Chávez had begun to act punitively against those who had signed the petition[3] [4]. Charges were made of summary dismissals from government ministries, PDVSA, the state-owned water corporation, the Caracas Metro, and public hospitals controlled by Chávez's political allies. [5] [6]

The provision in the Constitution allowing for a presidential recall requires the signatures of 20% of the electorate in order to effect a recall. Further, the cedulas (national identity card numbers) and identities of petition signers are not secret, and in fact were made public by Luis Tascón, a member of the Venezuelan National Assembly representing Chávez' party (Fifth Republic Movement - MVR) and the Communist Party of Venezuela of Táchira state. The government was accused of increasing the voter rolls by giving citizenship to illegal immigrants and refugees; and the opposition claimed that it was a citizenship for votes program. Voter registration increased by about 2 million people ahead of the referendum, which in effect raised the threshold of the 20% of the electorate needed to effect a recall.^[1]

Chávez has been widely criticized by proponents of free speech, for controversial moves to restrict the abilities of private media to publicly criticize Chávez and his policies, and general censorship for certain other types of 'unfavourable' content. The Chávez government has been denounced by Human Rights Watch for its passage of legislation that threatens to stifle anti-Chávez criticism and dissent from Venezuelan media. The statements are leveled specifically at restrictive amendments to the Venezuelan Criminal Code that criminalize insults, disrespect, and libelous remarks from the news media aimed at either the president or other government authorities. Severe punishments, including sentences of up to 40 months, are part of the so-called "Law on the Social Responsibility of Radio and Television" personally endorsed by Chávez.^[2]

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Criticism of Hugo Chávez discusses allegations and criticism against the current President of Venezuela.

Hugo Chávez is a passionately disputed personality. Supporters view him as a socialist liberator, hailing him for promoting Latin American integration, fighting imperialism and neoliberalism, empowering Venezuela's poor and indigenous communities, and reducing poverty and unemployment. Meanwhile, his opponents see him as an authoritarian militarist and demagogue who has failed to deliver on his promises, violated fundamental rights, meddled in the affairs of other Latin American countries, threatened Venezuela's economy and democracy, and destabilized global oil prices.

Contents 1 Background 2 Domestic 2.1 Allegations of electoral fraud and abuse 2.2 Authoritarian rule and power consolidation 2.3 Human rights 2.3.1 Free speech 2.4 Economic policy 2.5 Corruption 2.6 Crime 2.7 Other 3 Foreign policy 3.1 Terrorism and weapons acquisitions 3.2 Venezuelan-Israeli relations 3.3 Calls for assassination 4 Personal 5 Notes 6 References

[edit] Background

Further information: Hugo Chávez

A career military officer, Chávez founded the leftist Fifth Republic Movement after being a leader of a failed 1992 coup d'état against the democratically-elected President of Venezuela. Chávez was imprisoned, was later pardoned and released, and was elected President of Venezuela in 1998 on promises of aiding Venezuela's poor majority. He was reelected in 2000, after the rewrite of the Constitution of Venezuela approved by referendum, it provided for interim elections and the possibility of a consecutive second term, not allowed under Venezuela's previous constitution. The combined effect of these changes was to extend the previous 5-year presidential term limit to a potential 12-year term plus the two years interim. During massive public protests over Chávez's firings of seven striking executives of Petroleos de Venezuela, S.A. (PDVSA), Venezuela's state-owned oil company,^[3] and a resulting strike which crippled the nation's oil industry, he was briefly ousted on April 11, 2002 by a military coup, with street clashes resulting in injuries and deaths. He was returned to power after the brief ouster, and survived a recall referendum in 2004. He is running for re-election in 2006.

[edit] Domestic

[edit] Allegations of electoral fraud and abuse

Critics claim that the Chávez government is leading Venezuela in an authoritarian direction, abandoning democratic tradition, extending state control over the economy, eliminating dissent, and carrying out "social programs that will set Venezuela back".^[4][5]

Following the changes made to Venezuela's Constitution and electoral processes in 1999, Súmate, a Venezuelan, not-for-profit civil association, was founded in 2002, and began work towards a constitutional referendum to recall Chávez.

Hugo Chávez's Election Results — 1998 presidential election — Candidate Votes % Chávez: 3,673,685 56% Salas: 2,613,161 40% Valid votes: 6,537,304 — Abstention: 3,971,239 36%

Hugo Chávez's Election Results — 1999 referendum — Enact the new constitution? Option Votes % Yes: 3,301,475 72% No: 1,298,105 28% Abstention: 6,041,743 56%

Hugo Chávez's Election Results — 2000 presidential election — Candidate Votes % Chávez: 3,757,773 60% Arias: 2,359,459 38% Valid votes: 6,288,578 — Abstention: 5,120,464 44%

The recall vote was held on August 15, 2004. A record number of voters turned out to defeat the recall attempt with a 59% "no" vote.^[6] The Carter Center "concluded the results were accurate",^[7] and economist Mark Weisbrot reports that the Organization of American States certified the election.^[8] European Union observers did not oversee the elections, saying too many restrictions were put on their participation by the Chávez administration.^[9]

The referendum results were controversial. A Penn, Schoen & Berland Associates (PSB) exit poll predicted that Chávez would lose by 20%, but the election results showed him to have won by 20%. Schoen commented, "I think it was a massive fraud".^[10] US News and World Report offered an analysis of the polls, indicating "very good reason to believe that the (Penn Schoen) exit poll had the result right, and that Chávez's election officials &mash; and Carter and the American media — got it wrong".^[10] IndyMedia says PSB used Súmate volunteers for fieldwork, and its results contradicted five other opposition exit polls. Publication or broadcast of exit polls was banned by electoral authorities, but IndyMedia says that results of the PSB poll went out to media outlets and opposition offices several hours before polls closed.^[11] The Schoen exit poll and the government's programming of election machines were the basis of claims of election fraud.

Hugo Chávez's Election Results
— 2004 recall referendum — Recall Hugo Chávez? Source: CNE data
Candidate Votes % No: 5,800,629 59% Yes: 3,989,008 41% Non-voting: 4,222,269 30%

Regarding the Venezuelan recall referendum of 2004, according to the Center for Security Policy, Carter's "continued international work certifying election results has provided essential political cover to anti-democratic forces in the region. Indeed, it might be said that over the past four years, Jimmy Carter has been the most visible and arguably most influential U.S. leader in Latin America." The article goes on to say that, "The (Hugo Chávez) regime delayed and obstructed the recall referendum process at every turn. Once the regime was forced to submit to such a referendum, moreover, it used a fraud-filled voting process to ensure victory. The government did everything—including granting citizenship to half a million illegal aliens in a crude vote-buying scheme and “migrating” existing voters away from their local election office—to fix the results in its favor. The outcome was then affirmed and legitimated by ex-President Jimmy Carter’s near-unconditional support." "Jimmy Carter ignored pleas from the opposition and publicly endorsed the results, despite the fact that the government reneged on its agreement to carry out an audit of the results."^[12]

Economists Ricardo Hausmann of Harvard University and Roberto Rigobón of MIT's Sloan School of Management performed a statistical analysis at Súmate's request, analyzing how fraud could have occurred during the referendum. They concluded that the vote samples audited by the government were not a random representation of all precincts, noting that the Chávez-backed CNE had "refused to use the random number generating program offered by the Carter Center for the August 18th audit and instead used its own program installed in its own computer and initialed with their own seed." They also noted that opposition witnesses and international observers were not allowed near the computer hub on election day.^[13][14]

The Carter Center investigated the statistical study and found that "none of the statistical studies examined here present evidence that fraud occurred during the 2004 presidential recall referendum".^[15] They also say they used a random number generator that the CNE provided, and that the opposition was invited but declined to participate in the event.^[16] Economist Mark Weisbrot of The Center For Economic Policy and Research, a liberal think tank^[17] based in Washington, reports that other economists have called the Harvard/MIT assumptions about how the alleged fraud was conducted unlikely.^[13]

Foreign Policy Magazine reports that the opposition was "shocked not so much by the results as by the ease with which international observers condoned the Electoral Council's flimsy audit of the results."^[18] Sumate says the sample for the audit was selected by the Chávez-controlled National Electoral Council, and was not of sufficient size to be statistically reliable.^[19]

The U.S. Department of State accepted that the results of the audit were "consistent with the results announced by (Venezuela's) National Electoral Council."^[20][21] John Maisto, U.S. Permanent Representative to the Organization of American States, added that the results of the referendum "speak for themselves", saying that the quest for Venezuelan democracy "does not end with a single electoral process or referendum" and urging the "democratically elected government of Venezuela to address and recognize the legitimate concerns, rights, and aspirations of all of its citizens".^[22] Regarding the recall effort, in testimony before the U.S. Senate, Maisto also pointed out that Carter had said that " 'expression of the citizen must be privileged over excessive technicalities' in resolving issues surrounding the tabulation of the signatures".^[23]

After the referendum failed to revoke Chávez's mandate, Chávez's government charged the founders of Súmate with treason and conspiracy for receiving foreign funds, earmarked for voter education, from the United States Department of State through the National Endowment for Democracy, triggering commentary from human rights organizations and the U.S. government.^[24][25][26] The trial has been postponed several times.

[edit] Authoritarian rule and power consolidation

In spite of a presidential term limit of 12 years, Chávez often suggests that he will remain in power for 25 years,^[27] a claim he denies as a misinterpretation of his intent.^[28] However he recently proposed a constitutionally binding referendum to allow for a third term.^[29]

Chávez has said that if the opposition boycotts the 2006 Venezuelan presidential election, he might hold a referendum to abolish the presidential term limit of 12 years and allow him to run for re-election "indefinitely".^[30]

According to an article in The Washington Post a program called "Mission Identity", to fast track voter registration of immigrants to Venezuela — including Chávez supporters benefiting from his subsidies — has been put in place prior to the upcoming 2006 presidential elections.^[1]

According to the US State Department, Chávez has abandoned democratic traditions, and placed democracy in peril with unchecked concentration of power, political persecution, and intimidation.^[5] Foreign Affairs Magazine says that, to his critics, Chávez is a power-hungry dictator whose authoritarian vision and policies are a formidable menace to his people, with autocratic and megalomaniacal tendencies.^[4] The Center for Security Policy calls Chávez a "self-absorbed, unstable strongman" who has found "common cause with terrorists and the regimes that support them."^[12] Foreign Policy Magazine says that Chávez has "updated tyranny for today" and "is practicing a new style of authoritarianism".^[18] The article adds that Chávez has achieved absolute control of all state institutions that might check his power, and unrivaled political control. They also note that, more importantly, "Chávez commands the institute that supervises elections, the National Electoral Council" and say, "If democracy requires checks on the power of incumbents, Venezuela doesn't come close." In testimony before the U.S. Senate, the South American Project Director for the Center for Strategic International Studies characterized Venezuela's democracy as "now in intensive care", saying that Chávez's government has weakened the foundations of Venezuela's democracy by systematically hacking away at the institutional checks on Chávez's authority". The testimony also included statements that the Chávez government had crossed the line by "selectively arresting opposition leaders, torturing some mebers of the opposition (according to human rights organizations) and encouraging, if not directing, its squads of Bolivarian Circles to beat up members of Congress and intimidate voters — all with impunity".^[31] Amnesty International reports that Venezuela lacks an independent and impartial judiciary.^[32]

In August, 2006, following reported differences with Chávez during his recent international tour, Presidential Secretary Delcy Rodríguez was replaced by Adán Chávez, the brother of Hugo Chávez. Adán Chávez had previously been the ambassador to Cuba.^[33]

[edit] Human rights

Human Rights Watch expressed concern in a personal letter to Chávez over the safety of human rights defenders in Venezuela.^[34] Human rights organization Amnesty International has catalogued a number of human rights violations under Chávez's administration.^[35] As of December 2004, Amnesty International had documented at least 14 deaths and at least 200 wounded during confrontations between anti-Chávez demonstrators and National Guard, police, and other security personnel in February and March 2004, and continuing reports of unlawful killings by the police.

In 2003, family members of the victims of the events of April 11, 2002, represented by a team of lawyers from Venezuela and Spain, filed a lawsuit at the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague against Chávez and several of his government officials for crimes against humanity. The lawsuit was first filed in Spain on January 28, 2003, but it was decided by Judge Fernando Andreu of the National Audience that the Spanish courts would not be able to try Chávez because of his position as an acting President. However, the Spanish State's Attorney and the magistrates of the Penal Court of Appeals stated that the lawsuit was well founded and the case was consequently forwarded to the ICC (The International Criminal Court June 2003, Victims Compensation; Vol. 19, No. 6).^[36] On February 9, 2006 Luis Moreno Ocampo, Chief Prosecutor of the ICC, concluded that the requirements to continue the investigation were not satisfied according to the Rome Statute. However, this conclusion could be reconsidered in the light of new evidence.^[37]

Chávez was critized when he was elected president for inviting former dictator Marcos Pérez Jiménez, who was living in exile in Spain, to Venezuela to attend Chávez's inauguration. The Associated Press reported that the move "provoked an outcry among older Venezuelans who remembered the brutal side of his dictatorship" and political repression.^[38]

[edit] Free speech

As opposition to Chávez grew, owners, managers, commentators, and other personnel affiliated with private mainstream television networks and most major mainstream newspapers stated their opposition to the Chávez administration. These media accuse the Chávez administration of intimidation and censorship. Chávez in turn alleges that the owners of these networks have primary allegiance to Venezuela's elite and U.S. interests.

During the Venezuelan coup attempt of 2002, domestic and international observers criticized the Government for excessive abuse of its right to call national broadcasts requiring all broadcast media to cease scheduled programming and transmit the broadcasts in their entirety. Between April 9 and 11, the government required all radio and TV stations to transmit numerous speeches by President Chávez, other government officials, and other programming favorable to the Government, even shutting the signals of the stations who refused, in an attempt to block coverage of the demonstrations and ensuing violence.^[39][40]

The freedom of the press is seriously threatened in Venezuela according to various journalism organizations and NGO's. According to the International Press Institute, the Inter-American Press Association and Human Rights Watch, the administration of President Hugo Chávez tightened its grip on the press in 2005, while groups close to the government, including the Bolivarian Circles, hampered journalists’ ability to report. President Chávez’s government introduced harsher penalties for libel, defamation and insult, which resulted in a growing number of journalists appearing before the courts. The National Assembly approved by a simple majority the controversial Law on the Social Responsibility of Radio and Television, or gag law, which, in effect, makes the private radio and television system part of the state, which controls its schedules, programs and content.^{[41][42][43][44]}

The freedom of the press is secured by two key clauses in Chávez' Constitution of Venezuela of 1999. The right to freedom of expression is set out in Article 57 and Article 58 of the Constitution. The right to express opinions freely without censorship (Article 57) and the right to reply (Article 58) are generally in line with international standards. However, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) expressed concern about Article 58 of the Constitution, which provides that "Everyone has the right to timely, truthful, impartial and uncensored information." The Commission took issue with the right to "truth and timely" information arguing that this is "a kind of prior censorship prohibited in the American Convention on Human Rights."^[45]

In 2005, Reporters Without Borders ranked Venezuela 90th out of 167 countries in its global press freedom listing.^[46] Freedom House rates Venezuela as "Partly Free" according to its 2005 global survey "Freedom in the World".^[47]

[edit] Economic policy

Further information: Bolivarian Missions

Domestically, Chávez has launched the Bolivarian Missions: a series of social programs whose stated goals are to combat disease, illiteracy, malnutrition, poverty, and other social ills. The Missions have entailed, among other things, the launching of massive government anti-poverty initiatives,^[48][49] the construction of thousands of free medical clinics for the poor,^[50] the institution of educational campaigns that have reportedly made more than one million adult Venezuelans literate,^[51][52] and the enactment of food^[53] and housing subsidies.^[54]

Chávez was first elected on an anti-corruption platform and on promises of redistributing wealth to the poor, but Michael Shifter of Georgetown University's School of Foreign Service says that "despite record oil profits that are funding social spending, his initiatives have yielded only very modest gains",^[4] and The Economist reports that his policies are most vulnerable in the areas of corruption, jobs and crime.^[55]

During Chávez's presidency, from 1999 to 2004, per-capita GDP dropped 1–2 %,^[56] but recent economic activity under Chávez has been robust,^[57][58][59] particularly in the non-petroleum sectors, which showed growth rates greater than 10% during 2004 and 2005.^[60][61] Most of that growth was directed to the poorest sectors of society, with real income growth of 55% reported between 2003 and 2005,^[62] although some economists argue that the subsidized growth in this sector could stop if oil prices decline.^[1] The minimum wage in Venezuela in July 2006 covered only 65 percent of the cost of the basic food basket.^[63] Overall, since the start of his presidency, government statistics indicate a 6.4% drop in official unemployment^[64][65] and a 6% drop in the rate of poverty.^[66] Despite high oil revenues, official unemployment figures have only dropped to around 10%. With the help of an expanded public payroll, unemployment has been reduced from the 2003 high under Chávez of 20%, but some economists argue that the jobs may not be permanent, and critics question the government's reported poverty figures, based on contradictory statistics and definitions,^[4] which they say have not fallen enough considering the country's vast oil revenues in the last two years.^[67] The Economist reports that both poverty and unemployment figures under Chávez have not seen significant improvement and that official corruption under his government continues to be rampant,^[68] and point to the 1-2% drop in Venezuela's per-capita GDP early in Chávez's term, before the 2004 surge in oil prices.^[56] The Heritage Foundation's Index of Economic Freedom ranked Venezuela 152 out of 157 countries, among the 12 economies of the world labelled "repressed".^[69]

The government and independent observers refute the charges of economic decline by pointing out that the renewed economic growth of the last two years has brought rapid reductions in poverty, especially when one considers the vast expansion of non-cash income represented by subsidized food distribution and other social programs.^[66]

At the same time, The Economist opines that the administration's unwillingness to utilize private sector resources has resulted in a crumbling public infrastructure and a deficit in housing.^[67] Critics cite the many public hospitals that lack basic medicine and hygienic supplies. They also question the the motives behind the Bolivarian Missions' regular cash and in-kind payments to the millions of poor Venezuelans enrolling in their social programs. With many enrollees participating in more than one Mission simultaneously, receiving a steady and unearned income, critics worry that work ethic will be corrupted and enrollees will be predisposed to support and vote for Chávez. Supporters would respond that the opposition was not similarly worried about economic policy influencing political allegiances in the years when the current Venezuelan opposition promoted policies that re-distributed income upward. There have been marked improvements in the infant mortality rate between 1998 and 2005.^[70][71]

According to Venezuela's El Universal, one of the Chávez administration's outstanding weaknesses is the failure to meet its goals of construction of housing. Chávez promised to build 150,000 houses in 2006, but in the first half of the year, completed only 24 percent of that target, with 35,000 houses.^[72]

Venezuela's non-traditional exports decreased by 20 percent in the first quarter of 2006. The drop was attributed to uncertain regulations on exports, markets lost because of politics, restrictions on purchasing US dollars, and bureaucratic delays affecting exporters, according to Francisco Mendoza, president of the Venezuelan Exporter's Association (AVEX). Mendoza said Venezuela is losing five large trade partners by withdrawing from the Group of Three (G-3) and the Andean Community of Nations (CAN), exchanging them for less valuable markets in the Common Market of the South (Mercosur). He says that only 10 percent of AVEX members have been granted certificates to purchase USD dollars needed for exports, and that overvaluation of the Venezuelan bolivar undermines the competitiveness of Venezuelan products abroad.^[73]

To combat the high rate of inflation in Venezuela, the National Assembly (AN) Finance Committee submitted a proposal to the Venezuelan Central Bank (BCV) to remove three zeroes from the local currency (bolivares). Economist Pedro Palma explains that this move will have no effect on the economy or consumers, saying, "The trouble with zeros in the currency is that they are the result of inflation; not the other way around."^[74]

[edit] Corruption

Members of the Venezuelan Armed Forces are alleged to be involved in supplying arms to Colombia's FARC,^[75] and U.S. anti-drug officials allege that corruption within the Chávez administration is converting Venezuela into a trafficking route for Colombian drugs.^[76] Critics also allege widespread corruption in the police force.^[77]

The Economist reports that "Mr Chávez has grasped all the powers of state into his own hands, and eliminated all independent oversight of his government. The opposition argues that the inevitable result of this is graft on an increased scale." The article says that, in its annual survey, Berlin-based Transparency International ranked Venezuela as one of only a dozen countries where perceived corruption had "greatly increased", resulting in a ranking of 130 out of the 150 countries surveyed,^[78] to become the nation perceived as the third most corrupt in Latin America, above Paraguay and Haiti. Critics claim that rampant corruption reaches the highest levels of Venezuelan airport and security officials, that billions of dollars have been siphoned away from social programs by corrupt officials, and that leaders of the military have limited oversight, creating an environment in which impunity and corruption develop.^{[78][75][77][76]}

[edit] Crime

Since he took office, The Economist reports that the murder rate has almost tripled, and that Venezuela's capital – Caracas – has become South America's most violent, with police implicated in some of the crimes.^[55][32] The United Nations reported in 2005 that Venezuela had the highest number of deaths by gunfire per capita in the world,^[79] garnering for Venezuela claim to the title of the world's most violent crime capital.^[77]

Critics claim that Chávez's policies are responsible for some of these declines.^[18][77] and the U.S. State Department says there is unchecked concentration of power in the executive.^[5]

Critics accuse the Bolivarian Circles Chávez founded of furthering violence^[80], and say Chávez's new civil reserve defense force is intended to intimidate domestic opponents and repress internal dissent.Chávez government officials respond that the reserve is similar to civilian reserves and forces in many nations, including the United States.^[81] According to a study by Brigham Young University scholars, the "Bolivarian circles" also help the government identify opponents, who are then denied services.^[82]

According to an article in Foreign Policy Magazine, "On average, Chávez shuffles more than half of his cabinet every year."^[18] During his presidency, Chávez has had six Ministers of Interior and Justice. In August 2006, following assaults on a squatter and a National Assembly member, El Universal says that Chávez called on the latest Minister, Jesse Chacón to quit if he could not do the job, demanding more rigor in the fight against corruption, and affirming the need to clean up and transform the local police forces. He questioned the impunity that exists in the country, and challenged authorities, like Chacón, to resign if they couldn't make progress against crime. He also called for greater protection of squatters settling on landed estates.^[83]

[edit] Other

Some criticism has come from Chávez's supporters. Chávez's own political party, Fifth Republic Movement (MVR), has been criticized as being riddled with the same cronyism, political patronage, and corruption that Chávez alleged were characteristic of the old "Fourth Republic" political parties. Venezuela's trade unionists and indigenous communities have participated in peaceful demonstrations intended to impel the government to speed up labor and land reforms. These communities, while largely expressing their sympathy and support for Chávez, criticize what they see as Chávez's slow progress in protecting their interests against managers and mining concerns, respectively.^[84][85][86]

Farmers have protested about the lack of a consistent policy addressing prices, smuggling, insecurity and crime.^[87]

[edit] Foreign policy

Further information: Foreign policy of Hugo Chávez

The New York Times has represented Chàvez as "thriving on the atmosphere of confrontation" between Venezuela and the U.S.^[88] The Washington Post has described him as an "ideologue".^[89] A PBS discussion panel has said that Chávez's actions are "hurtful to Venezuela's democracy" and that he is "making all types of unfounded allegations about what the U.S. is up to in Venezuela."^[90]

Chávez's foreign policy conduct and anti-Bush rhetoric has occasionally reached the level of personal attacks. In response to the ousting of Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide in February 2004, Chávez referred to U.S. President George W. Bush as a pendejo ("dumbass"). In a later speech, he made personal remarks regarding Condoleezza Rice, referring to her as a "complete illiterate" with regards to comprehending Latin America.^[91][92][93]

The United States administration of George W. Bush,^[5] described the State of Democracy in Venezuela as "in grave peril", with "unchecked concentration of power in the executive", saying Chávez has "turned his back on the Venezuelan electorate", "suffocated the democratic debate", "resisted external efforts to support democratic political activity", and committed an "assault on Venezuela's democratic institutions".

President Chávez has developed strong ties with the government of Iran, in particular in the area of energy production, economic, and industrial cooperation.^[94] He has visited Iran on several occasions, the first time in 2001,^[95] when he declared that he came to Iran to "prepare the road for peace, justice, stability and progress for the 21st century".^[94] Mohamed Khatami also has visited Venezuela on three occasions. During his 2005 visit, Chávez awarded him the Orden del Libertador and called him a "tireless fighter for all the right causes in the world".^[96] In May of 2006, Chávez expressed his favorable view of the production of nuclear energy in Iran announced by Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and denied that they had plans to develop atomic weapons.^[97] His relationship with the government of Iran and his support for their nuclear program has elicited the concern of the U.S. government. Condoleezza Rice commented that, given the political strategy of President Chávez in relation to Iran, "Venezuela has become a negative force in the region".^[98]

President Chávez's has made a number of trips to Libya in his role as OPEC representative to discuss the international situation, declining oil prices, and OPEC production^[99]. The first occurred in 2001 after a personal invitation he received in 1999 by Muammar al-Gaddafi.^[100] Some members of the National Assembly of Venezuela accused Chávez of not reporting his trip to Libya and hiding it under a tour of Europe and Africa.^[101] Venezuela's former ambassador to Libya Julio César Pineda said in 2003 that Chávez was coordinating an anti-American strategy with terrorist states following his visit to Libya,^[102] but today, Libya is moving closer to alignment with the United States at a time that Chávez is setting himself up as South America's leading anti-American.^[103][104]

Chávez's trips abroad have also caused some criticism within his own coalition. For example, in July 2006 the National Assembly refused to ratify a trip to North Korea.^[105] The BBC reports that Chávez has spent 365 days abroad since taking office.^[105]

[edit] Terrorism and weapons acquisitions

U.S. News & World Report and U.S. government officials claim that the Chávez administration allows alleged terrorist organizations to operate within Venezuela's borders, including Hamas, Hezbollah, and Islamiyya al Gammat. U.S. officials also allege that the Venezuelan government is knowingly providing identity documents these organizations. The Venezuelan government flatly denies all of these claims, however.^[106] The U.S. government criticizes Venezuela's cooperation in the "War on Terrorism" as negligible or purposely indifferent, particularly with regards to FARC and ELN in neighboring Colombia, which the U.S. government considers to be terrorist organizations,^[107] while Venezuela accuses the U.S. government of having a double standard for giving safe haven to Luis Posada Carriles.^[108] However, U.S. officials acknowledge that there is no evidence of Chavez engaging directly in terrorism.^[109]

Critics say that Chávez's large purchases of military hardware are for reasons other than the defence of his country in the event of the "imminent US invasion", which he has repeatedly claimed will take place and which has used as a reason to justify these large transactions. Colombian military analyst Alfredo Rangel says that Chávez's new civil reserve defense force, claimed to consist of approximately two million members, may be intended to intimidate domestic opponents and supress internal dissent, dismissing the possibility of a U.S. invasion. Chávez government officials respond that the reserve is similar to civilian reserves and forces in many nations, including the United States.^[81]

[edit] Venezuelan-Israeli relations

Main article: Venezuelan-Israeli relations

On August 3, 2006 Chávez ordered the Venezuelan charge d'affaires to Israel, to return to Venezuela, protesting the 2006 Israel-Lebanon conflict. Israel responded by recalling its ambassador to Venezuela.^{[110][111][112]}

In an interview with the news agency Al Jazeera, Chávez made the first of two controversial statements regarding Israel, saying, "They are doing what Hitler did against the Jews."^[113] Chávez later said Israel had "gone mad and is inflicting on the people of Palestine and Lebanon the same thing they have criticized, and with reason: the Holocaust. But this is a new Holocaust" with the help of the United States, which he described as a terrorist country.^[113]

Chávez has been accused of anti-Semitism because of these comments. The Anti-Defamation League asked him to consider how his statements might effect Venezuela, and the southern area director of the ADL accused Chávez of "distorting history and torturing the truth, as he has done in this case, it is a dangerous exercise which echoes classic anti-Semitic themes."^[113] The president of a Miami-based Venezuelan citizens group said "That's what you expect from someone who surrounds himself with the dregs of the world. He seeks out terrorists and dictators. It's predictable that he wouldn't defend a democratic country like Israel." Jewish-Venezuelan community leaders in Caracas told El Nuevo Herald that Chávez's statements have created a situation of "fear and discomfort... The president is not the president of a single group but of Venezuelan Jews as well."^[113]

The Federation of Israeli Associations of Venezuela condemned "attempts to trivialize the Holocaust, the premeditated and systematic extermination of millions of human beings solely because they were Jews ... by comparing it with the current war actions." ^[113]

Critics of Israel have hailed Chávez. The vice-chairman of Hizballah's political council, Mahmoud Komati, called his actions an example for "revolutionaries", and a "London, left-wing lawmaker" said that Chávez was a "real leader of the Arab people."^[114]

[edit] Calls for assassination

Chávez has consistently said that he expects America to assassinate him, further to suppress Latin American growth and revolution. Several public figures have called for the assassination of Chávez, most notably televangelist Pat Robertson, saying, "We have the ability to take him out, and I think the time has come that we exercise that ability," and "If he thinks we're trying to assassinate him, I think that we really ought to go ahead and do it... It's a whole lot cheaper than starting a war…and I don't think any oil shipments will stop".^[115]

Other notable figures calling for his assassination include former president of Venezuela, Carlos Andrés Pérez,^[116] and Venezuelan actor, Orlando Urdaneta.^[117] The US Ambassador to Venezuela between 2001 and 2004, Charles S. Shapiro, also reported to the Chávez administration two potential assassination plots.^[118]

[edit] Personal

Hugo Chávez has been married twice. He first married Nancy Colmenares and they remained married for eighteen years. They separated soon after Chávez's 1992 coup attempt, but have remained good friends since,^[119] although she has denounced his policies on Venezuelan television.^{[citation needed]}

During his first marriage, Chávez also had a nine-year affair with young historian Herma Marksman,^[120][121] a Venezuelan historian. She wrote the book "Chávez me utilizó" (Chávez used me, ISBN 980-6598-05-9) with her views and opinions about Hugo Chávez. Her beliefs are that Chávez is a person without values, ambitious, disloyal and who uses others to later "discard" them: "... (he) has turned into an assassin".

Chávez has had a series of disputes with both the Venezuelan Catholic clergy and Protestant church hierarchies.^[122][123]

[edit] Notes

[edit] References

• Amnesty International. "Venezuela". Accessed 20 June 2006.
• Human Rights Watch. Venezuela. Accessed 20 June 2006.
• Niemeyer, Ralph T. (2004), Under Attack: Morning Dawn in Venezuela, iUniverse, ISBN 0-59566-208-0.
• On the State of Democracy in Venezuela. InfoVenezuela.org Accessed 20 June 2006.
• U.S. Department of State (December 1, 2005). "The State of Democracy in Venezuela". Accessed 18 June 2006.
• U.S. Senate Committee on Foreign Relations (June 24, 2004). The State of Democracy in Venezuela: Hearing before the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate. Accessed 30 June 2006.