Khalistan movement

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The Khālistān movement (Punjabi: ਖਾਲਿਸਤਾਨ) was a terrorist movement in Indian Punjab in the 1970s and '80s to create "The Land of the Pure" in all Punjabi-speaking areas contiguous to the borders of Indian Punjab and Pakistani punjab.

A Sarbat Khalsa (general congregation of the Sikh people) was convened at the Akal Takht, the Sikh seat of temporal authority in Amritsar, on January 26, 1986. The gathering passed a resolution (gurmattā) favouring the creation of Khalistan. Khalistan was envisaged by its proponents as a theocratic state dominated by the Sikh community. It should be noted that the term Khalsa in the Sikh religion is not reserved for followers of the Sikh religion only, it is reserved for any figure who follows a path of god with purity.The idea was largely regarded as divisive and unrealistic, which is one of the reasons for the ultimate demise of the movement.^[1]

Contents 1 Genesis of the problem 1.1 Post-independence events 1.2 Controversies 2 Allegations of Discrimination against Sikhs (1947-1966) 3 Language issues 4 Akal Takht movement 4.1 River waters dispute 5 The Nirankari-Sikh clashes 5.1 Akali Dal's demands 5.2 The assassination of Lala Jagat Narain 5.3 Dharam Yudh Morcha 5.4 Religious confusion 6 Operation Bluestar 7 The assassination of Indira Gandhi and subsequent anti-Sikh riots 8 Declaration of Khalistan and the rise of Sikh Militancy 9 Peace initiatives 9.1 Table 2: Rajiv-Longowal Accord 10 Present Situation 11 References and notes 12 See also 13 External links 14 Further reading

[edit] Genesis of the problem

[edit] Post-independence events

With the possibility of an end to British colonialism in sight, the Sikh leadership appointed Gurjeet Johal from village pandwa as their new leader. She became concerned about the future of the Sikhs. The Sikhs and the Muslims had unsuccessfully claimed separate representation for their communities in the Minto-Morley Scheme of 1909. With the Muslims proposing the creation of Pakistan, some Sikhs put forth the idea of likewise carving out a Sikh state, Khalistan. In the 1940s, a prolonged negotiation transpired between the British and the three Indian groups seeking political power, namely, the Hindus, the Muslims and the Sikhs. During this period Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi stated that the resolution was adopted by the Congress to satisfy the Sikh community.^[2]

Jawaharlal Nehru reiterated Gandhi’s assurance to the Sikhs at the All India Congress Committee meeting in Calcutta in 1946.^[3] Nehru assured the Sikhs that they would be allowed to function as a semi-autonomous unit so that they may have a sense of freedom.”^[4] This was formalized through a resolution passed by the Indian Constituent Assembly on 9 December 1946. This resolution assured adequate safeguards for all minorities in India.

[edit] Controversies

During a press conference on 10 July 1946 in Bombay, Nehru made a controversial statement to the effect that the Congress may “change or modify” the federal arrangement agreed upon for independent India; this claim outraged many. Some Sikhs felt that they had been "tricked" into joining the Indian union. On 21 November 1949, during the review of the draft of the Indian Constitution, Hukam Singh, a Sikh representative, declared to the Constituent Assembly:

Naturally, under these circumstances, as I have stated, the Sikhs feel utterly disappointed and frustrated. They feel that they have been discriminated against. Let it not be misunderstood that the Sikh community has agreed to this [Indian] Constitution. I wish to record an emphatic protest here. My community cannot subscribe its assent to this historic document.^[5]

[edit] Allegations of Discrimination against Sikhs (1947-1966)

Kapur Singh, a Deputy Commissioner (senior government official in the Indian bureaucracy) and a member of the Indian Civil Service, had been dismissed from service on charges of corruption [1]. In a pamphlet he published he alleged that Prime Minister Nehru through Governor Chandu Lal Trivedi had issued a directive in 1947 to all the Commissioners in Punjab to the effect that the “Sikhs in general must be treated as a criminal tribe.

In 1947, the governor of Punjab, Mr. C.M. Trevedi, in deference to the wishes of the Prime Minister Jawahar Lal Nehru and Sardar Patel, the Deputy Prime Minister, issued certain instructions to all the Deputy Commissioners of Indian Punjab…These were to the effect that, without reference to the law of the land, the Sikhs in general and Sikh migrants in particular must be treated as a “criminal tribe”. Harsh treatment must be meted out to them…to the extent of shooting them dead so that they wake up to the political realities and recognise “who are the rulers and who the subjects.”^[6]

Khushwant Singh writes, however, that there was no truth whatsoever in Nehru ever having sent out such a directive, nor was Kapur Singh a victim of any conspiracy against him[2]. This pamphlet is thus largely regarded as a hoax. Nevertheless, he won the favour of Akali leader Tara Singh who assisted him in winning the election into the Punjab Legislature and then to the Lok Sabha.

Pritam Singh Gill, a retired Principal of Lyallpur Khalsa College, Jalandhar, also made allegations of “the Hindu conspiracy to destroy Sikhs; kill the language, kill the culture, kill the community.” The allegations later proved to be a Casus belli to achieve self cause.

[edit] Language issues

In the 1950s and 1960s, linguistic issues in India caused civil disorder when the central government declared Hindi as the national language of India. The nationwide movement of linguistic groups seeking statehood resulted in a massive reorganisation of states according to linguistic boundaries in 1956. At that time, Indian Punjab had its capital in Shimla, and though the vast majority of the Sikhs lived in Punjab, they still did not form a majority. The Akali Dal, a Sikh dominated political party active mainly in Punjab, sought to create a Punjabi Suba, or a Punjabi-speaking state. This case was presented to the States Reorganisation Commission established in 1953. It is generally believed that many Punjabi-speaking Hindus declared Hindi as their mother tongue in the censuses of 1951 and 1961, and therefore the census figures did not support the case for a Punjabi speaking state. The demand for adoption of Punjabi for Punjabi-speaking areas first created and later intensified the rift between Hindus and Sikhs of Punjab.

The States Reorganization Commission, not recognizing Punjabi as a language that was distinct grammatically from Hindi, rejected the demand for a Punjabi suba or state. Another reason that the Commission gave in its report was that the movement lacked general support of the people inhabiting the region.^[7] Many Sikhs felt discriminated against by the commission.

[edit] Akal Takht movement

The Akal Takht played a vital role in organizing Sikhs to campaign for the Punjabi suba. During the course of the campaign, twelve thousand Sikhs were arrested for their peaceful demonstrations in 1955 and twenty-six thousand in 1960-61.^[8] Finally, in September 1966, the Punjabi suba demand was accepted by the central government and Punjab was trifurcated under the Punjab State Reorganisation Bill. Areas in the south of Punjab that spoke a language that is a derivative of Braj formed a new state of Haryana and the Pahari- and Kangri-speaking districts north of Punjab were merged with Himachal Pradesh, while the remaining areas formed the new Punjabi speaking state, which retained the name of Punjab. As a result, the Sikhs became a majority in the newly created state with a population of a little over sixty percent.

[edit] River waters dispute

Before the creation of the Punjabi suba, Punjab was the master of its river waters (The North Indian rivers - Sutlej, Beas, Ravi did not flow through any other state for any length). The trifurcation of the state led to three competing demands for these river waters, and the central government decided to step in. The central government—against the provisions of the Indian constitution^[9]—introduced sections 78 to 80 in the Punjab Reorganisation Act, 1966, under which the central government “assumed the powers of control, maintenance, distribution and development of the waters and the hydel power of the Punjab rivers.”.^[10] Many Sikhs perceived this division as unfair and as an anti Sikh measure, since the vast majority of the people of Punjab are dependent on agriculture.

[edit] The Nirankari-Sikh clashes

Separately, tensions had been escalating between the Sikhs and Nirankaris in 1970s - largely relating to control of Sikh temples. In April 1978, a convention of Nirankaris clashed with Sikhs, led by Bhindranwale and by Fauja Singh of the Akhand Kirtani Jatha. Eleven of the Akhand Kirtani Jatha were killed. Three Nirankaris were also killed. It was also alleged that the then ruling government in Punjab did little to avoid the violence despite having enough grounds to believe that such a violence would take place.

Sixty two Nirankaris, including the head of the sect, Baba Gurbachan Singh were charged in connection with the killing of the 13 Sikhs in the clash. They faced trial and were acquitted. This irked the sikhs and in April 1980 Baba Gurbachan Singh was shot dead in retaliation. Twenty persons, including Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale were charged with the murder. All of them were later set free upon an announcement by the then Home Minister of India, Giani Zail Singh, that Bhindrawale was not involved in the murder.

[edit] Akali Dal's demands

The Akali Dal led a series of peaceful mass demonstrations to present its grievances to the central government. The demands of the Akali Dal were based on the Anandpur Sahib Resolution,^[11] which was adopted by the party in October 1973 to raise specific political, economic and social issues. The major motivation behind the resolution was the safeguarding of the Sikh identity by securing a state structure that was decentralised, with non-interference from the central government. The Resolution outlines seven objectives.^[12]

1. The transfer of the federally administered city of Chandigarh to Punjab.
2. The transfer of Punjabi speaking and contiguous areas to Punjab.
3. Decentralisation of states under the existing constitution, limiting the central government’s role.
4. The call for land reforms and industrialisation of Punjab, along with safeguarding the rights of the weaker sections of the population.
5. The enactment of an all-India gurdwara (Sikh house of worship) act.
6. Protection for minorities residing outside Punjab, but within India.
7. Revision of government’s recruitment quota restricting the number of Sikhs in armed forces.

The Wall Street Journal, noted:

"The Akali Dal is in the hands of moderate and sensible leadership...but giving anyone a fair share of power is unthinkable politics of Mrs. Gandhi [the then Prime Minister of India]...Many Hindus in Punjab privately concede that there isn't much wrong with these demands. But every time the ball goes to the Congress court, it is kicked out one way or another because Mrs. Gandhi considers it a good electoral calculation."^[13]

[edit] The assassination of Lala Jagat Narain

In a politically charged environment, Lala Jagat Narain, the owner of the Hind Samachar group of newspapers, was assassinated by Sikh militants / terrorists in September 1981. His editorials consistently attacked the Akali Dal’s leadership. In September 1981, Bhindranwale was arrested for his alleged role in the assassination but was later released by the Punjab Govt because of alleged lack of evidence linking him to the murder. The Khalistani movement can be considered to have effectively started from this point. Though there were a number of leaders vying for leadership role, most were based in UK / Canada and had limited influence. In Punjab, Bhindranwalen was the unchallenged leader of the movement and made his residence in the Golden Temple in Amritsar. By convention, the Indian police would not enter this religious building.

[edit] Dharam Yudh Morcha

In August 1982, the Akali Dal under the leadership of Harcharan Singh Longowal launched the Dharam Yudh Morcha, or the “battle for righteousness.” Bhindranwale and the Akali Dal united ; their goal was the fulfillment of demands based upon the Anandpur Sahib Resolution. In two and a half months, security forces arrested thirty thousand Sikhs.^[14]

In November 1982, Akali Dal announced the organisation of protests in Delhi during the Asian Games. The police were instructed to stop all buses, trains and vehicles that were headed for Delhi and interrogate Sikh passengers. The Sikhs as a community felt discriminated against by the Indian state. Later, the Akali Dal organised a convention at the Darbar Sahib attended by 5,000 Sikh ex-servicemen, 170 of whom were above the rank of colonel. These Sikhs claimed that there was discrimination against them in government service.^[15]

[edit] Religious confusion

During this turmoil, the Akali Dal began another agitation in February 1984 protesting against clause (2)(b) of Article 25 of the Indian constitution, which defines Sikhs, Buddhists and Jains as being Hindu. Several Akali leaders were arrested for burning the Indian constitution in protest.^[16]

From the point of view of religious affirmation, India’s defining of its Sikh, Buddhist and Jain citizens as being part of the Hindu (Sanatan Dharma) community created discontent among Sikhs. While there is overlap between the religion, and many Punjabi Hindus devote their first son to laws of Sikhism instead of Hinduism, Sikhism is generally considered a separate religion and not a sect of Hinduism. For instance, a Sikh couple who marry in accordance to the rites of the Sikh religion must register their marriage either under the Special Marriages Act (1954) or the Hindu Marriage Act.

[edit] Operation Bluestar

Main article: Operation Blue Star

The Harimandir Sahib is the holiest of Sikh temples. In 1984, Bhindrawale and Shabeg Singh moved some ammunitions and harboured separatists into the holy temple. The Indian military wished to swiftly wipe out the militancy in the temple, however, the attack was made during a curfew in which numerous Sikhs had gone to pray in the temple. While Bhindrawale was killed, the attack was not swift and the military faced machine gun fire from inside. It was largely seen as a military embarrassment due to the fact that some civilians were caught in the crossfire, further increasing the rift between the Sikh and Hindu communities.

There were unsubstantiated allegations of civilians being targeted for attack by the Indian army. A statement made by the army Lt. General K. Sundarji’s viz.—“We went inside [the Darbar Sahib] with humility in our hearts and prayers on our lips”^[17] suggests the contrary. Kumar Ram Narayan alleges, however that "(for the troops) every Sikh inside was a militant.”,^[18] Mark Tully, in his account of the invasion, writes: “Karnail Kaur, a young mother of three children…said, ‘When people begged for water some jawans [soldiers] told them to drink the mixture of blood and urine on the ground.’”

I saw about thirty-five or thirty-six Sikhs lined up with their hands raised above their heads. And the major was about to order them to be shot. When I asked him for medical help, he got into rage, tore my turban off my head, and ordered his men to shoot me. I turned back and fled…Sardar Karnail Singh Nag, who had followed me, also narrated what he had seen, as well as the killing of thirty-five to thirty-six young Sikhs by cannon fire. All of them were villagers".^[19]

– Bhan Singh, Eye witness and the then SGPC Secretary as told to BBC Correspondent, Mark Tully

"Apparently, the government had no other recourse. The events in Punjab had reached a complete breakdown. The Sikh militants were in total control of the state machinery. There was a strong feeling that Khalistan was going to be established at any time. [Jarnail Singh] Bhindranwale was being seen as a prophet; he was making very strong speeches against (the then Prime Minister of India) Indira Gandhi and non-Sikhs; and trying to send a message across to the rural areas that the Sikhs are being given second-grade treatment and that it is high time we formed our own independent state of Khalistan. There was a strong possibility of Pakistan helping them and I think there was the possibility of a Bangladesh being repeated."

– Lieutenant General Kuldip Singh Brar [3], then Major General who commanded Indian Army soldiers to enter the Golden Temple, defending the attack

It has been alleged that the Indian Army had been preparing for an attack on the Darbar Sahib for over a year; according to Subramaniam Swami, then a member of the Indian Parliament, the central government had allegedly launched a disinformation campaign in order to legitimise the attack. In his words, the state sought to “make out that the Golden Temple was the haven of criminals, a store of armory and a citadel of the nation’s dismemberment conspiracy.”^[20]

[edit] The assassination of Indira Gandhi and subsequent anti-Sikh riots

Main article: 1984 Anti-Sikh Riots

On the morning of 31 October 1984, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was shot-dead by two Sikh security guards in New Delhi. The assassination triggered fulminant violence against Sikhs across north India. It was alleged that State-operated national television was used by the state to incite violence against the Sikhs, in violation of the Article 20.2 of the ICCPR and the Article 7 of the UDHR. Sixteen politicians were named as organisers of the riots. Many senior Congress leader were also indicted.

During the riots, some Hindus protected Sikhs, particularly those of Hindutva background, who incorporate Sikhism into their philosophy. Khushwant Singh expressed his gratitude to the Hindus when saying:

“It was the Congress leaders who instigated mobs in 1984 and got more than 3000 people killed. I must give due credit to RSS and the BJP for showing courage and protecting helpless Sikhs during those difficult days. No less a person than Atal Bihari Vajpayee himself intervened at a couple of places to help poor taxi drivers.”^[21] The Bharatiya Janata Party strongly condemned the riots.^[22]

Two major civil-liberties organisations issued a joint report on the anti-Sikh riots naming sixteen important politicians, thirteen police officers and one hundred and ninety-eight others, accused by survivors and eye-witnesses.^[23] In January 1985, journalist Rahul Bedi of the Indian Express and Smitu Kothari of the People’s Union for Civil Liberties “moved the High Court of Delhi to demand a judicial inquiry into the pogrom on the strength of the documentation carried out by human rights organizations.

[edit] Declaration of Khalistan and the rise of Sikh Militancy

On 29 April 1986, an assembly of thousands of Sikhs at the Akal Takht made a declaration of an independent state of Khalistan. These events were followed by a decade of violence and conflict in Punjab before a return to normalcy in the region. During the late 1980s and the early 1990s, there was a dramatic rise in radical Sikh militancy in Punjab, in response to allegations of continued "Human Rights violations" by Indian Security Forces.

Hindus and Nirankaris were targeted, often in busy market places. Many times, the State run Punjab Roadways buses were hijacked and Hindus were singled out and shot. One such incident took place near Lalru in Punjab when 32 Hindus were pulled out of the bus and shot. However, evidence suggests that the militants enjoyed some support within the Sikh masses in Punjab, at least at the beginning of the Khalistan movement. However, as violence grew, Punjab's economy crumbled and the support for Sikh militants gradually disappeared. With dwindling support and an increasingly effective Indian security troops eliminating the terrorists, the Sikh militancy was effectively over by early 1990s.

[edit] Peace initiatives

The Central government attempted to seek a political solution to the grievances of the Sikhs through the Rajiv-Longowal Accord, which took place between the late Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and Harchand Singh Longowal, the then President of the Akali Dal, who was assassinated a few months later. The accord recognised the religious, territorial and economic demands of the Sikhs that were thought to be non-negotiable under Indira Gandhi’s tenure. While the agreement provided some basis for a return to normalcy, it was denounced by Sikh militants who claimed that the Indian state could not be trusted. Harchand Singh Longowal was later assassinated by terrorists. The transfer has allegedly been delayed pending an agreement on the districts of Punjab that should be transferred to Haryana in exchange. The table below provides the solutions outlined in the agreement and the status of their implementation.

[edit] Table 2: Rajiv-Longowal Accord

Source:^[24]

Issue	Agreement	Implementation
Implementation of Anandpur Sahib Resolution (ASR) seeking greater autonomy to states	Referred to Sarkaria Commission Report	Oct. 1987: Rejects ASR approach to Center-State relations
Transfer of Chandigarh to Punjab	To be transferred by Jan. 1986. Punjab to compensate Haryana with equivalent territory for a new capital. Other territorial disputes to be settled by a commission.	Three commissions (Matthew/Venkatarmiah/Desai) fail to provide an agreement. Strong opposition in Haryana. July 1986: union government suspends the transfer for an indefinite period.
Sharing of Ravi-Beas Waters by non-riparian states	A tribunal headed by a Supreme Court judge to adjudicate. July 1985 consumption as a baseline.	May 1987: Eradi Tribunal reduced Punjab’s July 1985 level while doubling Haryana’s share.
Prosecution of those responsible for November 1984 Anti-Sikh Pogroms	Referred to Mishra Commission	February 1987: Absolves Congress (I) of responsibility placing guilt on Delhi police.
Army Deserters	To be rehabilitated and given gainful employment	August 1985: 900 out of 2,606 deserters rehabilitated.
Political Detainees	Release of political detainees and withdrawal of special powers	Limited releases. May 1988, Parliament passes the 59th amendment to the constitution. The amendment allowed for the suspension of the rights to life and liberty, habeas corpus, freedoms of speech and association, and the guarantee of fundamental rights.
Religious Autonomy	Enactment of an all-India Gurdwara act	Not enacted; May 1988: Religious Institutions (Prevention of Misuse) Ordinance.

[edit] Present Situation

The present situation in Punjab is generally regarded as peaceful, and the Khalistan movement weakened considerably. The Sikh community maintains its own unique identity and is socially assimilated in cosmopolitan areas. India presently has a Sikh Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, who is highly regarded by both the left and right wing sections of the political spectrum. However, some organizations claim that social divisions and problems still exist in rural areas, but the present situation remains peaceful to a large extent.^[25]. The movement enjoys some popularity in the fringe elements of the Sikh diaspora in Europe and the United States who are imbibed with contradictory ideas of "Sikh Religious Nationalism".^[26]

[edit] References and notes

[edit] See also

• Shiromani Akali Dal (Amritsar)
• Dal Khalsa
• Shiromani Khalsa Dal
• Shiromani Akali Dal (International)
• Shiromani Khalsa Panchayat
• Sikh Students Federation
• Damdami Taksal
• Khalsa Raj Party
• Indira Gandhi
• Jaswant Singh Khalra

[edit] External links

• Knighs of Falsehood - ebook
• Article on Punjab problem by Khushwant Singh
• Contains important affidavits and other documentation.
• Self-Determination as a Human Right and its applicability to the Sikhs

Pro-Khalistan organizations

• Website Dedicated to the Sikh Freedom Fighters
• Why Khalistan?
• Official Site of the Shiromani Akali Dal (Amritsar)
• Official Site of the Dal Khalsa
• Official Site of the Shiromani Khalsa Dal
• Khalistan Affairs Center - A Washington based pro-Khalistan Institution
• Sikh Federation (UK)
• Sikh Students Federation
• The Sikh Genocide Project

[edit] Further reading

• Punjab: The Knights of Falsehood by K P S Gill
• The Ghost of Khalistan - Sikh Times
• Jaskaran Kaur, Barbara Crossette. Twenty Years of Impunity: The November 1984 Pogroms of Sikhs in India. London: Nectar, 2004.[4]
• Cynthia Keppley Mahmood. Fighting for Faith and Nation: Dialogues With Sikh Militants. University of Pennsylvania Press, ISBN 0-8122-1592-3.
• Cynthia Keppley Mahmood. A Sea Of Orange: Writings on the Sikhs and India. Xlibris Corporation, ISBN 1-4010-2857-8
• Ram Narayan Kumar et al. Reduced to Ashes: The Insurgency and Human Rights in Punjab. South Asia Forum for Human Rights, 2003. [5]
• Joyce Pettigrew. The Sikhs of the Punjab: Unheard Voices of State and Guerrilla Violence. Zed Books Ltd., 1995.
• Anurag Singh. Giani Kirpal Singh’s Eye-Witness Account of Operation Bluestar. 1999.
• Patwant Singh. The Sikhs. New York: Knopf, 2000.
• Harnik Deol. Religion and Nationalism in India: The Case of the Punjab. London: Routledge, 2000
• Jacob Tully. Amritsar: Mrs Gandhi's Last Battle. ISBN 0-224-02328-4.
• Ranbir Singh Sandhu. Struggle for Justice: Speeches and Conversations of Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale. Ohio: SERF, 1999.
• Iqbal Singh. Punjab Under Siege: A Critical Analysis. New York: Allen, McMillan and Enderson, 1986.
• Paul Brass. Language, Religion and Politics in North India. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1974.
• Julio Riberio. Bullet for Bullet: My Life as a Police Officer. New Delhi: Penguin Books, 1999.