Jiang Zemin

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

This is a Chinese name; the family name is Jiang.

Jiang Zemin
General Secretary of the Communist Party of China
In office 1989 – 2002
Preceded by	Zhao Ziyang
Succeeded by	Hu Jintao
5th President of the People's Republic of China
In office March 27, 1993 – March 15, 2003
Vice President(s)	Hu Jintao Rong Yiren
Preceded by	Yang Shangkun
Succeeded by	Hu Jintao
Born	August 17, 1926 (age 80) Yangzhou, Jiangsu, China
Political party	Communist Party of China
Spouse	Wang Yeping

Jiāng Zémín (Traditional Chinese: 江澤民, Simplified Chinese: 江泽民, Hanyu Pinyin: Jiāng Zémín, Wade-Giles: Chiang Tse-min, Cantonese (Jyutping): gong1 zaak6 man4) (born August 17, 1926) was the "core of the third generation" of Communist Party of China leaders, serving as General Secretary of the Communist Party of China from 1989 to 2002, as President of the People's Republic of China from 1993 to 2003, and as Chairman of the Central Military Commission from 1989 to 2004.

Under the leadership of Jiang Zemin, China experienced substantial developmental growth with reforms, saw the peaceful return of Hong Kong and Macau from European rule (Hong Kong from Great Britain and Macau from Portugal), and improved its relations with the outside world while the Communist Party maintained its tight control over the government. Known to be one of China's more charismatic political figures, Jiang has been criticized for being too concerned about his personal image at home, and too conciliatory towards Russia and the United States abroad. Critics also point to Jiang's inability to maintain control on various social imbalances and problems that surfaced during his term. Traditionalist communists in China charge Jiang of being a revisionist leader who legitimized outright capitalism. His contribution to the Marxist doctrine, a list of guiding ideologies by which the CCP rules China, is called the theory of the Three Represents, which has been written into the party and state constitutions.

Contents 1 Background and ascendancy 2 Early leadership 3 Presidency 3.1 Foreign Policy 3.2 Economic development 3.3 Entrenching Three Represents 4 Gradual Retirement 5 Legacy 6 See also 7 References and Further reading 8 External links

[edit] Background and ascendancy

Jiang was born in the historical city of Yangzhou, Jiangsu. His ancestral home, a notion important in traditional Chinese society, was the Jiang Village (江村), Jingde County (旌德县) of Anhui Province, which was also the hometown of a number of prominent figures in Chinese academic and intellectual establishments. Jiang grew up during the years of Japanese occupation. His uncle, Jiang Shangqing, died fighting the Japanese, and was considered a martyr.^[1] Jiang attended the National Central University (国立中央大学) in the Japanese-occupied Nanjing before being transferred to Shanghai Jiaotong University. He graduated there in 1947 with a Bachelor's degree in electrical engineering. He joined the Communist Party of China when he was in college. After the establishment of the People's Republic of China, Jiang received his training at the Stalin Automobile Works in Moscow in the 1950s. He worked for Changchun's First Automobile Plant. He eventually got transferred to government services, where he began rising in rank, becoming a member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party, Minister of Electronic Industries in 1983. In 1985 he became Mayor of Shanghai, and subsequently the Party Chief of Shanghai.

Jiang received mixed reviews as mayor. Many of his critics dismissed him as a "flower vase", a Chinese term used to describe a decorative but useless person.^[2] Many credited Shanghai's growth during the period to Zhu Rongji^{[citation needed]}. Jiang was an ardent believer, during this period, in Deng Xiaoping's economic reforms. In an attempt of curbing student discontent in 1986, Jiang recited the Gettysburg Address in English in front of a group of student protesters.^{[3] [4]}

Jiang was described as having a passable command of several foreign languages, including Romanian, Russian, and English. One of his favorite activities was to engage foreign visitors in small talks on art and literature in their native tongue, in addition to singing foreign songs in the original language.

Jiang was elevated to national politics in 1987, automatically becoming a member of the Politiburo of the CPC Central Committee because it is customarily dictated that the Party Chief of Shanghai would also have a seat in the Politiburo. In 1989, China was in crisis over the Tiananmen Square protest, and the Central Government was in conflict on how to handle the protesters. (The opening policy, brought out by Deng Xiaoping, has been proved as a crucial and brilliant turning point in China's modern history, causing the economy to grow at an astonishing rate during the past decades.) In June, Deng Xiaoping dismissed liberal Zhao Ziyang, who was considered too conciliatory to student protestors. Jiang, at the time, was the Shanghai Party Chief, the top figure in China's new economic center. In an incident with the World Economic Herald, Jiang closed down the newspaper, deeming it harmful. The handling of the crisis in Shanghai was noticed by Beijing, and then paramount Leader Deng Xiaoping. As the protests escalated and then Party-chief Zhao Ziyang was removed from office, Jiang was selected by the Party leaders as a compromise candidate over Tianjin's Li Ruihuan, Premier Li Peng, Chen Yun, and the retired elders to become the new General Secretary. At the time he was considered to be an unlikely candidate. Within three years Deng had transferred most power in the state, party and military to Jiang.

[edit] Early leadership

Jiang was elevated to the country's top job in 1989 with a fairly small power base inside the party, and thus, very little actual power. He was believed as simply a transitional figure until a more stable successor government to Deng could be put in place. Other prominent Party and Military figures like Yang Shangkun and brother Yang Baibing were believed to be planning a coup. Jiang used Deng Xiaoping as a back-up to his leadership in the first few years. Jiang, who was believed to have a neo-conservative slant, warned against "bourgeoisie liberalization". Deng's belief, however, stipulated that the only solution to keeping the legitimacy of Communist rule over China was to continue the drive for modernization and economic reform, and therefore placed himself at odds with Jiang.

Deng grew critical of Jiang's leadership in 1992. During Deng's southern tours, he subtly suggested that the pace of reform was not fast enough, and the "central leadership" (i.e. Jiang) had most responsibility. Jiang grew ever more cautious, and rallied behind Deng's reforms completely. In 1993, Jiang coined the new term "Socialist Market Economy", a seemingly paradoxical statement, to move China's centrally-planned socialist economy into essentially a government-regulated capitalist market economy. It was a huge step to take in the advancement of Deng's "Socialism with Chinese characteristics". At the same time, Jiang elevated many of his supporters from Shanghai to high government positions, after regaining Deng's confidence. He abolished the outdated Central Advisory Committee, an advisory body composed of revolutionary party elders. He became Chairman of the Central Military Commission in 1989, followed by his election to the Presidency in March 1993.

[edit] Presidency

Deng Xiaoping died in early 1997, and China, emerging gradually out of the Deng-era reforms and the relative stability of the early 1990s, faced a myriad of economic and social problems. At Deng's funeral, Jiang gave the official eulogy, which included a display of tears that many inside China regarded as superficial and fake. Jiang had inherited a China rampant with government corruption, and regional economies growing too rapidly for the stability of the entire country. Deng's idea that "some areas can get rich before others" gave rise to an opening wealth gap between coastal regions and the hinterlands. The unprecedented economic growth had inevitably led to the closing of many State-owned Entreprises (SOE's), and a staggering unemployment rate that hit 40% in some urban areas. Stock markets fluctuated greatly. The scale of rural migration into urban areas was unprecedented anywhere in the world. and little was being done to address an ever-increasing urban-rural wealth gap. Official reports put the figure on the percentage of China's GDP being moved and abused by corrupt officials to 10%.^{[citation needed]} A chaotic environment of illegal bonds issued from civil and military officials resulted in much of the corrupted wealth to end up in foreign countries. Corruption levels had returned, if not exceeded that of the Republican era in the 1940's. A surge in crime rates and the reemergence of organized crime began to plague cities. A careless stance on the destruction of the environment furthered concerns voiced by intellectuals. Jiang's biggest aim in the economy was stability, and he believed that a stable government with highly centralised power would be a prerequisite, choosing to postpone political reform, which in many facets of governance exacerbated the on-going problems.^[5] Jiang continued pouring funds to develop the Special Economic Zones and coastal regions.

Jiang is believed to be the first Chinese leader to truly manipulate the media to enhance his own image^{[citation needed]}, gaining the reputation of being charismatic, although not always in the positive light. Beginning in 1996, Jiang began a series of reforms in the state-controlled media aimed at promoting the "core of leadership" under himself, and at the same time crushing some of his political opponents. The personality enhancements in the media were largely frowned upon during the Deng era, and had not been seen since Mao and Hua Guofeng's time in office in the late 1970s. The People's Daily and CCTV-1's 7PM National News each had Jiang-related events as the front-page or top stories, a fact that remained until Hu Jintao's media administrative changes in 2006. He appeared casual in front of Western media, and gave an unprecedented interview with Mike Wallace of CBS in 2000 at Beidaihe. He would often use foreign languages in front of the camera, albeit not always comprehensible. In an encounter with a Hong Kong reporter in 2002 regarding the central government's apparent "imperial order" of supporting Tung Chee-hwa to seek a second term as Chief Executive of Hong Kong, Jiang branded the Hong Kong journalists infamously as "too simple, sometimes naive" in English ^[6]. The event was shown on Hong Kong television that night, an event regarded to be in poor taste both inside and outside China.

Since 1999, the media has also played an integral role in the persecution of Falun Gong, which is believed to be an act under the direction of Jiang himself, and has been heavily criticized by the West. Jiang reputedly came under conflict with then premier Zhu Rongji over how to contain the fast-growing spiritual organization. Jiang had also began arresting its leaders and breaking up demonstrations, despite protests by various human rights groups. He has been subject to many lawsuits on the issue.

[edit] Foreign Policy

Jiang had been criticized inside China for being too conciliatory towards the United States and Russia.^{[citation needed]} Jiang went on a groundbreaking State Visit to the United States in 1997, drawing various crowds in protest from the Tibet Independence Movement to the Falun Gong practitioners. He made a speech at Harvard University, part of it in passable English, but could not escape questions on democracy and freedom. In the official summit meeting with US President Bill Clinton, the tone was relaxed as Jiang and Clinton sought common ground while largely ignoring areas of disagreement. Clinton would visit China in February 1999, and vowed that China and the United States were partners in the world, and not adversaries. When American-led NATO bombed the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade in 1999, Jiang seemed to have put up a harsh stance for show at home, but in reality only performed symbolic gestures of protest, and no solid action. The same happened when a US spy plane collided with a Chinese military jet, killing the Chinese pilot. Jiang allowed the US crew to enjoy stay at a luxurious hotel in Hainan, and released them three days later without asking for any damages.^{[citation needed]} Much of Jiang's foreign policy was focused on international trade and economic integration. A personal friend of Canadian Prime Minister Jean Chretien^[7] Jiang strengthened China's economic stature abroad, attempting to establish cordial relations with countries whose trade is largely confined to the American economic sphere.

[edit] Economic development

Jiang did not specialize in economics, and in 1997 handed a big chunk of the economic governance of the country to Zhu Rongji, who became Premier, and remained in office through the Asian Financial Crisis. Under their joint leadership, Mainland China has sustained an average of 8% GDP growth annually, achieving the highest rate of per capita economic growth in major world economies, raising eyebrows around the world with its astonishing speed. This was mostly achieved by continuing the process of a transition to a market economy. Economists, however, charge Jiang with creating a bubble economy that could fall apart at any time. Strong Party control over economic affairs, however, remained, as Jiang was unrelenting in the centralization of power. The achievements during Jiang's presidency were cemented by the PRC's successful bid to join the World Trade Organization and Beijing winning the bid to host the 2008 Summer Olympics.

[edit] Entrenching Three Represents

Before he transferred power to a younger generation of leaders, Jiang had his theory of Three Represents written into the Party's constitution, alongside Marxism-Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought, and Deng Xiaoping Theory at the 16th CPC Congress in 2002. Although contradictory to Marxism in many facets, it was also written into China's Constitution. Critics believe this is just another piece added to Jiang's cult of personality, others have seen practical applications of the theory as a guiding ideology in the future direction of the CPC. Largely speculated to step down from all positions by international media, rival Li Ruihuan's resignation in 2002 prompted analysts to rethink the man. The theory of Three Represents was believed by many political analysts to be Jiang's effort at extending his vision to Marxist-Leninist Principles, and therefore elevating himself alongside previous Marxist philosophers Mao and Deng.

Jiang has been criticized by many groups, noticeably by the Falun Gong, a vocal spiritual group who allege that Jiang and the CPC under his leadership to have persecuted their members. The newspaper Epoch Times has published a book deeply critical of Jiang titled Anything for Power: The Real Story of China’s Jiang Zemin, exposing various scandals and brutalities perpetrated by Jiang during his presidency, including his dubious family background, his brutal crackdown of Falun Gong, and his alleged relationship with singer Song Zuying. ^[8]

[edit] Gradual Retirement

In 2002, Jiang stepped down from the powerful Politburo Standing Committee of the Communist Party of China to make way for a "fourth generation" of leadership headed by Hu Jintao, marking the beginning of a transition of power that would last several years. Hu assumed Jiang's title as party chief, becoming the new general secretary of the Communist Party. Six out of the nine new members of Standing Committee at the time were believed considered part of Jiang's so-called "Shanghai Clique", the most prominent being Vice President Zeng Qinghong and Executive Vice Premier Huang Ju.

Although Jiang retained the chairmanship of the powerful Central Military Commission, most members of the commission are professional military men. Liberation Army Daily, a publication thought to represent the views of the CMC majority, printed an article on March 11, 2003 which quotes two army delegates as saying, "Having one center is called 'loyalty', while having two centers will result in 'problems.'"[1] This was widely interpreted as a criticism of Jiang's attempt to exercise dual leadership with Hu on the model of Deng Xiaoping.

Hu succeeded Jiang as president of the People's Republic of China on March 15, 2003. To the surprise of many observers, evidence of Jiang's continuing influence on public policy abruptly disappeared from the official media. Jiang was conspicuously silent during the SARS crisis, especially when compared to the very public profile of Hu and Wen Jiabao. It has been argued that the institutional arrangements created by the 16th Congress have left Jiang in a position where he cannot exercise much influence.^{[citation needed]} Although many of the members of the Politburo Standing Committee are associated with him, the Standing Committee does not have command authority over the civilian bureaucracy.

On September 19, 2004, after a four-day meeting of the 198-member Central Committee, Jiang resigned as chairman of the CPC Central Military Commission, his last party post. Six months later he resigned his last significant post, chairman of the State CMC. This followed weeks of speculation that Hu Jintao's supporters in the Communist Party leadership were pressing Jiang to step aside. Jiang's term was supposed to have lasted until 2007. Hu also succeeded Jiang as the CMC chairman, but, in an apparent political defeat for Jiang, Xu Caihou, and not Zeng Qinghong was appointed to succeed Hu as vice chairman. This power transition officially marks the end of Jiang's era in China, which roughly lasted from 1993 to 2004.^{[citation needed]}

[edit] Legacy

Historians and biographers have disputed what can be accounted into "Jiang Zemin's legacy". Jiang himself had wanted his Three Represents theory, called an "important thought" on the Mainland, to become his ideological legacy. Although the theory has been codified into both the State and Party constitutions alongside Mao Zedong Thought and Deng Xiaoping Theory, its actual effect is yet to be assessed. Jiang has come under quiet criticism from within the Communist Party of China for focusing on economic growth at all costs while ignoring the resulting environmental damage of the growth, the widening gap between rich and poor in China and the social costs absorbed by those whom economic reform has left behind.^{[citation needed]} By contrast, the policies of his successors, Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao have widely been seen as efforts to address these imbalances and move away from a sole focus on economic growth toward a broader view of development which incorporates non-economic factors such as health and the environment.^{[citation needed]}

Jiang's Theory of Three Represents justified the incorporation of the new capitalist business class into the party, and changed the founding ideology of the CPC from protection of the peasantry and workers to that of the "overwhelming majority of the people", a euphemism aimed at including the growing enterpreneurial class. Conservative critics within the party have quietly denounced this as betrayal of the communist ideology, while reformers have praised Jiang as a visionary.^{[citation needed]} Such a move, however, increasingly justified a newly found correlation between the business and ruling elites, thus significantly linking bureaucracy and financial gain, which critics argue fosters more corruption. Some have suggested that this is the part of Jiang's legacy that will last, at least in name, as long as the communists remain in power.^{[citation needed]}

Many biographers of Jiang have noted that his government resembled an oligarchy as opposed to an autocratic dictatorship.^[9] Many of his policies have been attributed to others in government, notably Premier Zhu Rongji, whose tense relationship with Jiang was of widespread speculation, especially following Jiang's decision to suppress the Falun Gong movement. Jiang is often credited with the gains in foreign affairs during the time of his rule, but at the same many Chinese criticize him for being too conciliatory towards the United States and Russia. The issue of Chinese reunification between the mainland and Taiwan gained ground during Jiang's term, as Cross-Strait talks led to the eventual Three Links after Jiang stepped down as President. The Qinghai-Tibet railway began construction under Jiang, and was welcomed by many Tibetans^[10], although seen by a few of them to be a purely political move.^{[citation needed]} Jiang was also accused of appeasement towards the Japanese and Americans in diplomacy.

Domestically, Jiang's legacy and reputation is mixed. While some people attribute the period of relative stability and growth in the 1990's to Jiang's term, others argue that Jiang did little to correct mistakes resulting from Deng Xiaoping's economic reforms, leaving the next administration facing innumerable problems, some of which too late to adjust. Some of Jiang's legacy remains ambiguous.

[edit] See also

• Politics of China
• History of the People's Republic of China (1989-2002)
• The Man Who Changed China: The Life and Legacy of Jiang Zemin, Jiang's controversial biography by Robert Lawrence Kuhn

[edit] References and Further reading

[edit] External links

• Biography at People's Daily
• Biography at China Vitae, the web's largest online database of China VIPs
• Caricature of Jiang Zemin

Preceded by Wang Daohan	Mayor of Shanghai 1984–1987	Succeeded by Zhu Rongji
Preceded by Zhao Ziyang	General Secretary of the Communist Party of China 1989–2002	Succeeded by Hu Jintao
Preceded by Yang Shangkun	President of the People's Republic of China 1993–2003
Preceded by Deng Xiaoping	Chairman of the Central Military Commission of the CPC 1989–2004
	Chairman of the Central Military Commission of the PRC 1990–2005

edit	Presidents of the People's Republic of China
Mao Zedong - Liu Shaoqi - Li Xiannian - Yang Shangkun - Jiang Zemin - Hu Jintao