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Schools of Anarchism


Anarchism in Culture

This article surveys a broad range of political philosophies that oppose the state. For other usages, see anarchism (disambiguation).
Note - Some anarchists deny that some philosophies that purport to be forms of anarchism are actually so. This article takes no POV on this matter, but presents all ideologies that claim to be forms of anarchism.

The terms "anarchy" and "anarchism" are derived from the Greek αναρχία ("without archons (rulers)"). Thus "anarchism," in its most general meaning, is the belief that the State is an unnecessary evil and should be abolished. The word "anarchy", as most anarchists use it, does not imply chaos or anomie, but rather a stateless society with voluntary social harmony.

An advocacy of voluntary human interaction and opposition to the State are the unvarying principles of anarchism. However, disputes arise over what type of interaction is actually voluntary, over which school of anarchism promises the most freedom, as well as over which philosophies are, or are not, forms of anarchism. Contentious issues also include the role of violence in changing society, the preferred type of economic system, whether hierarchy and unequal social status are natural voluntary social forms or authoritarian, the interpretation of egalitarian ideals, the degree of organization desirable to effect social change, the importance of individual incentives, and whether extending the division of labour is desirable. Because the types of anarchism vary so greatly, anarchism cannot be considered an ideology in itself, but a rubric under which a number of philosophies can be classified given that they all oppose the existence of states and favor what they regard to be voluntary human interaction.

Contents

[edit] History of anarchism

[edit] Precursors of anarchism

Anarcho-primitivists assert that, for the longest period before recorded history, human society was organized on anarchist principles. They point to the egalitarian structure of hunter-gatherer bands, to the lack of division of labour and accumulated wealth as indicators of such primitive anarchy. There is debate over the anthropological evidence on this issue.

Some anarchists have embraced Taoism, which developed in Ancient China, as a source of anarchistic attitudes [1]. Similarly, anarchistic tendencies can be traced to the philosophers of Ancient Greece, such as Zeno, the founder of the Stoic philosophy, and Aristippus, who said that the wise should not give up their liberty to the state [2]. Later movements – such as Stregheria in the 1300's, the Free Spirit in the Middle Ages, the Anabaptists, and The Diggers – have also expounded ideas that have been interpreted as anarchist.

The first known usage of the word anarchy appears in the play Seven Against Thebes by Aeschylus, dated 467 BC. There, Antigone openly refuses to abide by the rulers' decree to leave her brother Polyneices' body unburied, as punishment for his participation in the attack on Thebes, saying that "even if no one else is willing to share in burying him I will bury him alone and risk the peril of burying my own brother. Nor am I ashamed to act in defiant opposition to the rulers of the city (ekhous apiston tênd anarkhian polei)".

Ancient Greece also saw the first western instance of anarchism as a philosophical ideal, in the form of the stoic philosopher Zeno of Citium, who was, according to Kropotkin, "[t]he best exponent of Anarchist philosophy in ancient Greece". As summarized by Kropotkin, Zeno "repudiated the omnipotence of the state, its intervention and regimentation, and proclaimed the sovereignty of the moral law of the individual". Within Greek philosophy, Zeno's vision of a free community without government is opposed to the state-Utopia of Plato's Republic. Zeno argued that although the necessary instinct of self-preservation leads humans to egotism, nature has supplied a corrective to it by providing man with another instinct — sociability. Like many modern anarchists, he believed that if people follow their instincts, they will have no need of law courts or police, no temples and no public worship, and use no money (a gift economy taking the place of the exchanges). Zeno's beliefs have only reached us as fragmentary quotations. [3]

In Athens, the year 404 BC was commonly referred to as "the year of anarchy". According to the historian Xenophon, this happened even though Athens was at the time under the rule of the oligarchy of "The Thirty," installed by the Spartans following their victory in the second Peloponnesian war, and despite the presence of an Archon, nominated by the oligarchs, in the person of Pythodorus. However, Athenians refused to apply here their custom of calling the year by that archon's name, since he was elected during the oligarchy, and "preferred to speak of it as the 'year of anarchy'".

The Greek philosophers Plato and Aristotle used the term anarchy negatively, in association with democracy which they mistrusted as inherently vulnerable and prone to deteriorate into tyranny. Plato believed that the corruption created by democracy loosens the "natural" hierarchy between social classes, genders and age groups, to the extent that "anarchy finds a way into the private houses, and ends by getting among the animals and infecting them". ('Republic', book 8). Aristotle spoke of it in book 6 of the 'Politics' when discussing revolutions, saying that the upper classes may be motivated to stage a coup by their contempt for the prevailing "disorder and anarchy (ataxias kai anarkhias)" in the affairs of the state. He also claimed it would give, "license among slaves (anarkhia te doulôn)" as well as among women and children. "A constitution of this sort", he concludes, "will have a large number of supporters, as disorderly living (zên ataktôs) is pleasanter to the masses than sober living".

The Anabaptists of 16th century Europe are sometimes considered to be religious forerunners of modern anarchism. Bertrand Russell, in his History of Western Philosophy, writes that the Anabaptists "repudiated all law, since they held that the good man will be guided at every moment by the Holy Spirit...[f]rom this premise they arrive at communism...." The novel Q provides a fictional depiction of this movement and its revolutionary ideology. Gerrard Winstanley of the Diggers, who published a pamphlet calling for communal ownership and social and economic organization in small agrarian communities in the 17th century, is considered another of the forerunners of modern anarchism.

[edit] Modern anarchism

The first modern author to have published an essay explicitly advocating the absence of government was Edmund Burke in "A Vindication of Natural Society" (1756). In 1793 William Godwin published An Enquiry Concerning Political Justice, in which he presented his vision of a free society alongside a critique of government. Some consider this the first anarchist treatise, calling Godwin the "founder of philosophical anarchism"[4]. Godwin advocated an extreme type of individualism opposing every kind of cooperation among individuals. The term "anarchist" was used during the French Revolution as an insult against anti-monarchists, but Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, adopted the term to describe his own political philosophy in the 1840s. Since Proudhon was the first to adopt the term "anarchist" as a self-description, some claim Proudhon as the founder of modern anarchist theory.

Liberals were often labeled "anarchists" by monarchists, even though they did not call for the abolition of the State. Still, they did promote the idea of a minimal State, individual rights, and the responsibility of the people to judge their governments, which provided a groundwork for the development of anarchist thought. "The Law" (1849) by Frederic Bastiat is a good example of an anti-statist liberal tract. A clear precursor of anarcho-capitalism was Gustave de Molinari, who wrote about private defense agencies in The Production of Security (1849). This was the first attempt to solve the problem of security in a stateless manner. Previous thinkers had generally either assumed that statelessness would lead to a quick change in human nature, claimed personal justice would suffice, or simply avoided the issue. In the United States, anarchist thoughts were expressed in the writings of Henry David Thoreau (Civil Disobedience), Josiah Warren, and Benjamin Tucker. Individualist anarchists such as Tucker were influenced by the writings of Herbert Spencer and Max Stirner, among others.

Timeline of Modern Anarchism
1756 First anarchist essay. Edmund Burke A Vindication of Natural Society
1793 First anarchist treatise. William Godwin An Enquiry Concerning Political Justice
1840 First self-described anarchist. Pierre Proudhon What is Property?
1841 First individualist anarchist. Josiah Warren Manifesto
1844 First egoist anarchist. Max Stirner The Ego and Its Own
1849 First anarcho-capitalist. Gustave de Molinari The Production of Security
1866 First anarcho-socialist. Michael Bakunin Revolutionary Catechism
1886 Individualist anarchist publisher. Benjamin Tucker State Socialism and Anarchism: How far they agree, & wherein they differ
1902 First anarcho-communist. Peter Kropotkin Mutual Aid

Later in the 19th century, Anarcho-socialist theorists like Mikhail Bakunin and Peter Kropotkin paralleled the Marxist critique of capitalism and synthesized it with their own critique of the state. The International Workingmen's Association at its founding was an alliance of socialist groups, including both anarchists and Marxists. Both sides had a common aim (stateless communism) and common political opponents (conservatives and other right-wing elements). But each was critical of the other, and the inherent conflict between the two groups soon embodied itself in an ongoing argument between Mikhail Bakunin, representative of anarchist ideas, and Karl Marx himself. Generally Marx wanted to work within the system, use hierarchical organizational structures, and run people in elections. Bakunin hated these ideas, and predicted that if a revolution was won under a Marxist revolutionary party, they would end up being as bad as the ruling class that they fought against. In 1872, the conflict in the First International climaxed with the expulsion of Bakunin and those who had become known as the "Bakuninists."

Mikhail Bakunin saw a need to defend the working class against oppression and overthrow the ruling class as a means to dissolve the state. Peter Kropotkin's anarcho-communism derived from his evolution-based theory that co-operation equaled or surpassed competition in importance, as illustrated in Mutual Aid: A Factor in Evolution (1897). Some revolutionaries of this time encouraged acts of political violence such as bombings and the assassinations of heads of state to further anarchism. However, these actions were regarded by many anarchists as counter-productive or ineffective (see "Violence and non-violence", below).

In the late 19th century anarcho-syndicalism developed as the industrialized form of libertarian communism, emphasizing industrial actions, especially the general strike, as the primary strategy to achieve anarchist revolution, and "build the new society in the shell of the old". Anarchists played a role in many of the labour movements, uprisings, and revolutions of the late 19th and early 20th centuries, including the Russian Revolution (1917). In the United States, many new immigrants were anarchists; an especially notable group was the large number of Jewish immigrants who had left Russia and Eastern Europe during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. These groups were disrupted by the Red Scare of 1919. Emma Goldman was a very influential anarchist and feminist during this period.

In Europe, in the first quarter of the 20th century, anarcho-socialist movements achieved some relative, if short-lived, success. However, in the 1920s and 1930s the conflict between anarchism and the state was eclipsed by the rise of fascism. During the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939), a popular anarchist movement supported by militias took control of rural areas of northeast Spain and collectivized the land, but was crushed in short order by the Communist-controlled republican army.

In the 1950's, the anti-war, anti-state Old Right defected from the new Cold War big-government Republicans, and alligned with segments of the New Left and radical Objectivists. Eventually this alliance evolved into the US Libertarian party and various anarcho-capitalist movements, sparked by the minarchist writings of Ayn Rand and the philosophical guidance and activism of Murray Rothbard ("The Libertarian Manifesto"). A surge of popular interest in socialist anarchism occurred during the 1960s and 1970s. In the UK this was associated with the punk rock movement; the band Crass is celebrated for its anarchist and pacifist ideas. In Denmark, the Freetown Christiania was created in downtown Copenhagen. The housing and employment crisis in most of Western Europe led to the formation of communes and squatter movements.

Some 20th century anarchists were involved in the labour, animal-rights, radical ecology, and feminist movements. Since the mid-1960s, anarchists have been involved in student protest movements, peace movements, squatter movements, and the globalization or anti-globalization movement (depending on whether they were anarcho-capitalist or anarcho-socialist.) In the 21st century, the global growth and interest in anti-statist and secessionist beliefs have given anarchism a new life. Many anarchists believe that the internet and strong cryptography provide a technological advantage for freedom over statism.

[edit] Anarchism today

Anarchism is not constrained to political protest. Anarchists also engage in building parallel structures and organizations, such as Food Not Bombs, radical labor unions, infoshop and radical social centers, alternatives to statist education systems such as home schooling and private schools, media in various forms, organizing around housing and land issues (e.g. Habatat for Humanity), and work toward accountability with police and other institutions through such tools as consensus decision-making. This is in line with the general anarchist concept of "building freedom" or creating "dual-power." The idea is to create voluntary alternatives to services currently provided by the State.

Some have said that recent technological developments have made the anarchist cause both easier to advance and more conceivable to people. Many people use cell phones or the Internet to form loose communities which could be said to be organized along anarchist lines. Some of these communities have as their purpose the production of information in a non-commodified or use-value format, a goal made attainable by the availability of personal computing, desktop publishing, and digital media. These things have made it possible for individuals to share music files over the Internet, without economic incentive, and even with a certain amount of risk. There are also open source programming communities, who donate their time, and offer their product freely as well. Examples include Usenet, the free software movement (including the GNU/Linux community and the wiki paradigm), and Indymedia. A book analyzing how this new "anarchic" mode of production is possible is Eric S. Raymond's The Cathedral and the Bazaar. Pro-capitalist anarchists are also excited about new technology. Digital anonymous currency provide non-statist money and a defense against State extortion (taxation.) Strong cryptography allows private communication and the ability to verify identity of trading partners. A non-statist infrastructure for trade is being created in cyberspace.

[edit] Historical examples

Various examples of societies which have been organized by anarchist principles, examples of societies which have been created in the event of anarchist revolution, and also uprisings, revolts and attempted revolutions that have involved anarchist and anti-authoritarians which have proved successful.

See Past and present anarchist communities

==Schools of anarchist thought==

Political ideology diagram, showing anarcho-socialism at the upper left and anarcho-capitalism at the upper right. The up-down dimension represents the extent of government; the left-right dimension represents the outward appearance (legal fiction) of property ownership. In theory, both socialism and capitalism have statist and anti-statist variants. The placement of persons and parties on this graph are only approximate, and suject to debate.
Political ideology diagram, showing anarcho-socialism at the upper left and anarcho-capitalism at the upper right. The up-down dimension represents the extent of government; the left-right dimension represents the outward appearance (legal fiction) of property ownership. In theory, both socialism and capitalism have statist and anti-statist variants. The placement of persons and parties on this graph are only approximate, and suject to debate.

From William Godwin's utilitarian anarchism to Pierre-Joseph Proudhon's mutualism, to Max Stirner's egoism, to Benjamin Tucker's radical individualism, to Peter Kropotkin's anarchist communism, the roots of anarchist thought in modern political philosophy are varied, with many different views of what a society without government should be like. Primitivism, advocating the dissolution of civilization, is reminiscent of, if not inspired by, the early 19th century Luddite movement. There are also a number of feminist anarchist theories, including anarcha-feminism, eco-feminism, and individualist feminism. Another tradition in anarchism follows from individuals like Errico Malatesta and Voltairine de Cleyre in claiming no adjective. These "anarchists without adjectives" seek to unify all anarchists around the basic shared principles of being anti-state, arguing that the diverse forms of anarchism can work together in relative harmony.

Contemporary anarchists often will not accept the label of one school or another. Rather than disparate sects, these "schools" should be thought of as specific applications of anarchist theory to certain topics. Anarcha-feminism, for example, is the application of anarchist theory to feminist issues.

The following schools of thought are shown in alphabetical order.

[edit] Anarcha-feminism

Emma Goldman 1869-1940
Emma Goldman 1869-1940

Main article: Anarcha-Feminism

Anarcha-feminism combines anti-statism with feminism. Gender feminists espouse the belief that patriarchy is a fundamental problem in our society, and look at gender relations as a class struggle. Individualist feminists like Wendy McElroy belive that men and women are not inherently at odds, but should have equality of rights. Anarcha-feminism is most often associated with early 20th-century authors and theorists such as Voltairine de Cleyre and [[Emma Goldman, although even early first-wave feminist Mary Wollstonecraft held proto-anarchist views. In the Spanish Civil War, an anarcha-feminist group, "Free Women", organized to defend both anarchist and feminist ideas.

... so long as the people do not care to exercise their freedom, those who wish to tyrannize will do so; for tyrants are active and ardent, and will devote themselves in the name of any number of gods, religious and otherwise, to put shackles upon sleeping men. - Voltairine de Cleyre

[edit] Anarcho-capitalism

Main article: Anarcho-Capitalism

Also known as "market anarchism," anarcho-capitalism envisions a stateless society with predominantly sticky (neo-Lockean) property arrangements. This is an anathema to the other schools of anarchism which hold an exploitation theory with regard to rent and wage labor. Instead of the labor theory of value, anarcho-capitalists tend to hold to the subjectivist theory of value propounded by the Austrian School of economics. Much of the credit for melding classical liberalism with anti-statism goes to Murray Rothbard. While Rothbard based his anarchism on Natural Law, David Friedman ("The Machinery of Freedom") based it on utilitarianism, and Jan Narvison on contractarianism. Other important anarcho-capitalists include Hans-Hermann Hoppe, Lew Rockwell, and Bryan Caplan. Early influences on anarcho-capitalism include Gustave de Molinari, Herbert Spencer, Lysander Spooner, and Benjamin Tucker.

Collectivist anarchists tend to deny that anarcho-capitalism is a form of anarchism, often based upon the argument that traditional forms of anarchism have opposed some elements of capitalism. However, contemporary individualist anarchists, who indeed oppose profit, an essential element of capitalism, tend to regard anarcho-capitalism as a form of individualist anarchism. [5] Notable is the fact that some 19th century individualist anarchists denied that collectivist forms were anarchism. The debate between collectivist anarchism and anarcho-capitalism is covered further under Anarchism and capitalism and under the main Anarcho-Capitalism article.

[edit] Anarcho-communism

Main article: Anarcho-Communism

Anarcho-communism shares many things in common with anarcho-syndicalism, but generally strives for a society without markets, an elimination of all private property, (as in the means of production), any kind of money system or wages, and proposes instead societies based on direct workers control, gift economies, self-management over community institutions, and mutual aid based upon the idea of "from each according to their ability, to each according to need". Anarcho-communists also propose large and small scale connections of communities, groups, and workplaces through federations and networks created by free association and popular affinity. Anarcho-communists want direct worker control over production, and have decisions made through workers councils and assemblies. Communities would be organized through systems of direct democracy, and through various organizations and collectives to carry out various tasks.

Peter Kropotkin, Emma Goldman, Alexander Berkman, and most recently, groups like NEFAC (North Eastern Federation of Anarcho-Communists), have advocated various forms of anarcho-communism. Historically, anarcho-communism has been said to have been put into practice by millions of people in the anarchist collectives and communes of the anarchist-controlled region of Ukraine during the Russian Revolution, and during the Spanish Civil War in the Aragon and Catalonia regions of Spain.

Anarcho-communists are split generally on the Platform, or the "Organizational Platform of Libertarian Communists", written by Ukrainian anarchist militant, Nestor Makhno. The platform calls for various forms of structures within the anarchist movement, and has been accepted by some anarchists and scorned by others.

Anarcho-communists today are involved in various broad labor and community issues; generally revolving around housing, labor struggles/strikes, anti-racism, and building the anarchist movement. Anarcho-communists have generally called for more cohesive groups and structures of anarchist groups and thereby garnered criticism from other anarchist sects. Various large scale groups of anarcho-communists exist today with the larger groups existing throughout various countries.

[edit] Anarcho-syndicalism

Main article: Anarcho-syndicalism

The red-and-black flag, coming from the experience of anarchists in the labour movement, is particularly associated with anarcho-syndicalism.
The red-and-black flag, coming from the experience of anarchists in the labour movement, is particularly associated with anarcho-syndicalism.

Anarcho-syndicalism is the anarchist wing of the labor union movement. Its primary aim is the end of the wage system. It functions on principles of workers solidarity, direct action, and self-management.

Workers' solidarity means that anarcho-syndicalists believe all workers, no matter what their race, gender, or ethnic group are in a similar situation vis-a-vis their bosses. Furthermore, it means that, within capitalism, any gains or losses made by some workers in their relation to bosses will eventually impact all workers. Therefore, it says that in order to gain liberation, all workers must support one another in their struggle against bosses.

Anarcho-syndicalists only believe in direct action — that is, action directly designed to confront a problem. Direct action can range from traditional strike action to active sabotage.

Furthermore, anarcho-syndicalists believe that workers' organizations — the organizations which struggle against the wage system and which, in anarcho-syndicalist theory, will eventually form the basis of a new society – should be self-managing. They should not have bosses or "business agents"; rather, the workers should be able to make decisions that affect them amongst themselves.

The International Workers Association is an international anarcho-syndicalist federation of various labor unions from different countries. The Industrial Workers of the World, a once-powerful, still active, and again growing labor union, is considered a leading organ of the anarcho-syndicalist philosophy in the United States. The Spanish Confederación Nacional del Trabajo played a major role in the Spanish Civil War and today, the Confederación General del Trabajo is the third biggest union in Spain. Other major anarcho-syndicalist organizations include the Workers Solidarity Alliance, and the Solidarity Federation in the UK.

Some critics of anarcho-syndicalism contend that its focus on proletarian class struggle overlooks the needs of segments of society such as parents or others occupied with child-rearing or domestic labor, although some anarcho-syndicalist thought attempts to address other sectors of economic life. Some primitivist authors, notably Bob Black, contend that an anarcho-syndicalist revolution would leave in place social systems they find oppressive (work and workplaces, for example), although anarcho-syndicalists contend that worker self-management would render those systems fundamentally more humane.

[edit] Individualist anarchism

Individualist anarchism, having as its precursors the European individualists William Godwin, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, and Max Stirner became relatively formalized in 19th century America. America's Josiah Warren is commonly regarded to be the first individualist anarchist. Some other notable figures include Lysander Spooner and Benjamin Tucker. These 19th century individualists espoused the ideas of "self-ownership", a right to retain as private property the product of one's labor, a market economy unfettered by coercion (free market) where individuals may trade their private property and labor, private ownership of land (with the caveat that the land must be put into use by the owner), and a right to labor for wages as long wages adhered to their labor theory of value. However, these individualists opposed profit as being exploitative and this is their basis for opposing capitalism. Though they saw profit as unjust they opposed coercively interfering in the contractual relationships of others, prefering instead to compete with alternative business models (see mutualism (economic theory)) as well as educate through philosophy. These individuals tended to reject the notion that the collectivist schools such as anarcho-communism and anarcho-syndicalism were in fact anarchism. Contemporary individuals who claim the individualist anarchist title include Robert Anton Wilson, Joe Peacott, and Wendy McElroy. Contemporary individualist anarchist of the anticapitalism tradition, Joe Peacott, regards anarcho-capitalism to be a form of individualist anarchistm [6]. Wendy Mcelroy, an anarcho-capitalist, also considers herself to be an individualist anarchist.

Lysander Spooner (1808-1887)
Lysander Spooner (1808-1887)

The individualists were particularly adamant about a right of private property. Spooner supported a "right to acquire property...as one of the natural, inherent, inalienable rights of men [...] one which government has no power to infringe [...]" (Spooner 1843) He also supported the freedom of individuals to charge interest for loans free of government regulation: "All legislative restraints upon the rate of interest, are arbitrary and tyrannical restraints upon a man's natural capacity amid natural right to hire capital, upon which to bestow his labor." (Spooner 1846) Spooner was staunchly against government interference in private economic matters, and he was particularly vocal in opposing collusion between banks and government. Spooner's ideas were widely reprinted in early libertarian journals, particularly his individualist critique of the state, arguing for the right to ignore or withdraw from it. (Spooner 1867) Benjamin Tucker supported private ownership of all wealth produced by an individual, and as a staunch advocate of private property, a market economy, and anarchism in the American tradition, he says in an essay in The New Freewoman: "Anarchism is a word without meaning, unless it includes the liberty of the individual to control his product or whatever his product has brought him through exchange in a free market—that is, private property." These individualists also advocated "free banking" where any individual or group of individuals would be allowed to lend private currency for interest and enter into competition with each other. With mutual banks, they hoped increased competition would eventually drive interest rates on loans down to a negligible level.

T19th century individualist anarchists described their economic and political positions as a radicalization of the classical liberal defense of free markets and civil society — Tucker, for example, described his individualist conception of anarchism as "consistent Manchesterism" (Tucker 1926) and anarchists as "unterrified Jeffersonian Democrats" (Tucker 1888).

[edit] Ecological anarchism

There is a significant anarchist element to the environmental movement, including those that are known as eco-anarchists and green-anarchists. Eco-anarchism is generally a broad term that broadly refers to anarchists engaged in the earth liberation movement. The largest segment of 'eco-anarchists' are those involved in the Earth First! movement, which is a network of various collectives formed along anarchist principles. Earth First! generally engages in direct action and eco-defense, such as tree sitting and 'locking down'. In the modern anarchist movement, eco-anarchists generally adhere to deep ecology, which is a world view that embraces biodiversity and sustainability.

[edit] Conceptions of an anarchist society

Main article: Anarchism and Society

Many political philosophers justify support of the state as a means of regulating violence, so that the destruction caused by human conflict is minimized and fair relationships are established. Anarchists argue that pursuit of these ends do not justify the establishment of a state, and in fact many argue that the state is incompatible with those goals. Anarchists argue that the state helps to create a monopoly on violence, and uses force and violence to expand and protects the elite's interests. Much effort has been dedicated to explaining how anarchist societies would handle criminality. While some anarchists reject organized defense of liberty outright, many have proposed forms of polycentric law. Traditional individualist anarchists, as well as anarcho-capitalists advocate private defense agencies and courts to protect private property and enforce contracts.

[edit] Comparison of Property Systems

Anarchist Schools Anarcho-Socialist Individualist (labor/value) Anarcho-Capitalist
Is land legitimate private property? No Yes, if it's occupied;
No, if it's unoccupied.
Yes
Are man-made capital goods
legitimate private property?
No Yes Yes
Is it immoral to collect profit

from capital and interest?

Yes.
It's criminal and
should be expropriated.
Sort of.
It's a vice, but
shouldn't be prevented.
No.
It's permissable,
and generally a virtue.

[edit] Anarchist economic organization

Main article: Anarchist economics

The modern state is deeply involved in society's economic activities, ranging from monopolized protection of property, to the regulation of markets, the plunder (taxation) of productive people, and the redistribution of goods. Most anarchists would agree that radical restructuring of existing economic systems is necessary. Collectivist anarchists or Anarcho-socialists believe that wage-labor must end, markets must be abolished, and labor exchange must be destroyed. Traditional individualist anarchists do not oppose wage-labor as long as wages paid adhere to the labor theory of value, whereas anarcho-capitalists, believing that value is subjective, do not oppose profit in wages. Both traditional individualist anarchists and Anarcho-capitalists believe that people should not be prevented from producing, trading, and interacting as they choose, so long as it is voluntary. They consider it right and natural that some are able to create and save wealth better than others, and consider the division of labor to be a boon to mankind. For a classification of government interventions in the market, see "Power and Market" by Murray Rothbard.

[edit] Conflicts within anarchist thought

[edit] Capitalism vs. Socialism

This is by far the most controversial conflict among anarchists. Anarcho-capitalists believe in a stateless free market allowing general property ownership (private property.) Anarcho-socialists want to restrict property ownership (except for personal possessions) to certain 'legitimate' collectives (e.g. workers' collectives are okay, but joint stock companies are not.) They oppose rent, interest, and employment ('wage labor.'). Much of the debate is a semantic problem, with both sides defining capitalism differently from the other. The debate even extends to the meaning of "free market," as some claim that capitalism as a system is an "anti-market force".

[edit] Private property vs. Collective property

The anarcho-communists and anarcho-syndicalists advocate the elimination of private property, while the individualist anarchists support it as being essential to liberty. The 19th century individualists anarchists, such as Benjamin Tucker, believed that the idea of collective ownership of land was incoherent and incompatible with anarchism: "That there is an entity known as the community which is the rightful owner of all land, Anarchists deny. I . . . maintain that ‘the community’ is a non-entity, that it has no existence, and is simply a combination of individuals having no prerogatives beyond those of the individuals themselves.

[edit] Individualism vs. Collectivism

[edit] Tolerance vs. Expansionism

Since any belief consistent with anti-statism is anarchist, there are vastly different and often opposing ideas about: what constitutes aggression, what is valid property, and what forms and conventions societies should adopt. As a result, there is difference of opinion within each school about how to react to, or interact with, those with opposing ideologies. E.g. How should an anarcho-socialist commune react to an anarcho-capitalist firm next door? (And vice-versa.)

The tolerant attitude is to live with it - let reality be the judge. One should not use force to promote your program. Those who take this panarchist approach to 'foreign policy' generally predict that, since their system is better, it will attract more people in the long run. Benjamin Tucker is a good example of this tolerant approach.

The intolerant (evangelical or expansionist may be more descriptive) attitude considers the other system aggressive and/or authoritarian by its very nature. Thus it is permissable, perhaps even a moral imperitive, to use force against the perceived criminals. This attitude occurs among anarcho-capitalists, particularly those who cannot conceive of an anti-statist form of socialism. Indeed, "socialism" in colloquial speech is generally understood as "statist socialism." This attitude also occurs among anarcho-socialists, particularly those who cannot conceive of an anti-statist form of propertarianism. Indeed, conventional socialist theory deems capitalism as necessarily authoritarian and exploitative.

[edit] Violence and non-violence

Anarchists have often been portrayed as dangerous and violent, due mainly to a number of high-profile violent acts including riots, assassinations, and insurrections involving anarchists. The use of terrorism and assassination, however, is condemned by most anarchist ideology, though there remains no consensus on the legitimacy or utility of violence.

Some anarchists share Leo Tolstoy's Christian anarchist belief in nonviolence. These anarcho-pacifists advocate nonviolent resistance as the only method of achieving a truly anarchist revolution. They often see violence as the basis of government and coercion and argue that, as such, violence is illegitimate, no matter who is the target. Some of Proudhon's French followers even saw strike action as coercive and refused to take part in such traditional socialist tactics.

Mikhail Bakunin and Errico Malatesta saw violence as a necessary and sometimes desirable force. Malatesta took the view that it is "necessary to destroy with violence, since one cannot do otherwise, the violence which denies [the means of life and for development] to the workers" (Umanità Nova, number 125, September 6, 1921[7]).

Between 1894 and 1901, individual anarchists assassinated numerous heads of state. Such "propaganda of the deed" was not popular among anarchists, and many in the movement condemned the tactic. For example, McKinley's assassin, Leon Czolgosz, claimed to be a disciple of Emma Goldman, but she disavowed any association with him.

Depictions in the press and popular fiction helped create a lasting public impression that anarchists are violent terrorists. This perception was enhanced by events such as the Haymarket Riot, where anarchists were blamed for throwing a bomb at police who came to break up a public meeting in Chicago.

Some anarcho-socialists distinguish between "violence" and "property destruction": they claim that violence is when a person inflicts harm to another person, while property destruction or property damage is not violence, although it can have indirect harm such as financial harm.

[edit] Pacifism

Some anarchists consider Pacifism (opposition to war) to be inherent in their philosophy. Some anarchists take it further and follow Leo Tolstoy's belief in non-violence (note, however, that these anarcho-pacifists are not necessarily Christian anarchists as Tolstoy was), advocating non-violent resistance as the only method of achieving a truly anarchist revolution.

Anarchist literature often portrays war as an activity in which the state seeks to gain and consolidate power, both domestically and in foreign lands. Many anarchists subscribe to Randolph Bourne's view that "war is the health of the state"[8]. Anarchists believe that if they were to support a war they would be strengthening the state — indeed, Peter Kropotkin was alienated from other anarchists when he expressed support for the British in World War I.

Just as they are critical and distrustful of most government endeavours, anarchists often view the stated reasons for war with a cynical eye. Since the Vietnam War protests in North America and, most recently, the protests against the war in Iraq, much anarchist activity has been anti-war based.

Many anarchists in the current movement however, reject complete pacifism, (although groups like Earth First!, and Food Not Bombs are based on principles of non-violence), and instead are in favor of self-defense, and sometimes violence against oppressive and authoritarian forces which they in fact also consider as defensive violence. Anarchists are skeptical however of winning a direct armed conflict with the state, and instead concern themselves mostly with organizing. Most anarchists however, do not consider the destruction of property to be violent, as do most activists who believe in non-violence.

[edit] Parliamentarianism

While most anarchists firmly oppose voting, or otherwise participating in the State institution, there are a few that disagree. Even hard-core anarchists (e.g. Proudhon) have succumbed to the temptation of electoral politics - and inevitably regretted it. Voluntaryism is a anarchist school of thought which emphasizes "tending your own garden" and "neither ballets nor bullets." The anarchist case against voting is explained in The Ethics of Voting by George H. Smith.

[edit] Critique

See Criticisms of Socialism for a general critique of socialism, some of which may apply. There are also some specific criticisms of anarchism.

[edit] Violence

Some critics claim that lack of police and military would leave the anarchist communities defenseless against organized internal and external aggressors like pirates, terrorists, or military imperialism. The criticism about lack of police only applies to those schools of 'anarchism' that would deny people's freedom to organize voluntarily for defense.

Anarcho-capitalist theory allows PDAs (private defense agencies), i.e. private arbitration and police associations, which it is argued would be more moral and efficient than monopoly statist police. In other words, anarchists are not against police, courts, and laws per se, simply the monopoly provision of such by a coercive organization - the State. Advantages over statist legal systems are: 1) less likelihood of victimless crime laws, 2) people may choose what rules to live by, and 3) competition for customers favors liberty compared to monopoly statist police. Since people can choose their preferred security product, this allows for e.g. the Happy Hippie Defense Association which allows ganja and public nudity, and the God's Own Security, Inc. that stones adulterers and has mandatory church attendence. Such different legal products may exist peacefully side-by-side, since they are voluntary and people can opt out or switch at any time. (Presumably not to avoid prosecution.) Cf: "The Market for Liberty" by Morris and Linda Tannahill, "The Ethics of Liberty" by Murray Rothbard, and articles on "polycentric law."

Similarly, anarcho-capitalists would allow private defense associations to organize against foreign invasion. Local private militias are seen as likely, while interventionist military actions would become more difficult compared to statist military policy. Since they depend on voluntary funding, private militaries would not have taxpayers to plunder or subjects to conscript. Thus interventionism becomes an expense to bear that more peaceful competitors don't have. Peaceful defense firms therefore have a competitive advantage over warmonger firms. Furthermore, unlike States, PDAs are not necessarily territorially based. Thus the use of weapons of mass destruction is less likely for private militaries than statist militaries. E.g. Coke doesn't bomb Pepsi because they have bottling plant and customers in the same cities and towns, whereas statist militaries and ideology allows mass-murder of everyone on the enemy State's 'turf.'

Some express doubts concerning the effectiveness of a voluntary militia against a ruthless modern military using weapons of mass destruction and hierarchical structure. Critics also argue that historical examples, like the Spanish Civil War, do not support the theory that anarchist communities can defend themselves. Also, critics see violence among hunter-gatherers [9] as evidence that anarchist societies will be violent. Yet examples like Hong Kong, a near free market virtually defenseless from Mao's China not only wasn't attacked, but thrived. Anarchists argue that free trade makes attack unlikely. E.g. Since China owned the biggest bank in Hong Kong, and Hong Kong provided much needed trade and financial services to China, it would have been irrational for China to attack. Similar experience in other merchant cities supports this view. As Fredric Bastiat wrote, "When goods don't cross borders, soldiers will." Anarcho-capitalists believe that converse is also true: when goods do cross borders, war is less likely. As for hunter gatherers, many such societies did get along peacefully. Again, it depended largely on whether freedom of trade was allowed and property rights were respected. A study of the Yurok Indians of northern California showed that they got along peacibly with neighboring tribes, and even allowed people from other tribes to own property in their jurisdiction. Cf: Enforcement of Private Property Rights in Primitive Societies: Law without Government Also, the Xeer of Somaliland has a peaceful record, especially compared to the chaos of the statist system (and its breakdown) in neighboring Somalia.

[edit] Production

Some critics of Anarchism claim that production in an unorganized society will suffer and dwindle to a primitive state. This critique assumes that order can only result from central planning, as opposed to decentralized/pluralistic decision-making or some other form of emergent order.

In a stateless society where one community has no formal relationship with another, as some anarcho-socialists envision, production would be localized, eliminating the benefits of Economies of Scale and regional specialization. Even if it is cheaper to produce goods in one geographic location over another, anarchism could mean that people farther away cannot benefit from this efficient production because safe, organized production and transportation is prevented. Of course, this objection doesn't apply at all to the anarcho-capitalist vision of free trade and open markets. On the contrary, without government regulation, barriers to trade, and plunder, production would be expected to compare favorably to statist neo-mercantilism.

Another critique of the anarcho-socialist position is that business relationships between organizations/firms/individuals will be limited to inefficient contracts. Without a government and judicial system to enforce a contract, organizations will be forced to use black market schemes and other paralegal methods to enforce contract negotiations. In particular, firms may feel safer doing businesses with other groups that they have a long-term relationship with. A newer organization will be viewed with distrust because it could renege on its contract obligations and forgo payment or delivery. This creates a formidable barrier to entry for new organizations and limits the profitable relationships organized producers can engage in. Again, this critique does not apply to anarcho-capitalism, which allows private polycentric law protecting contracts - law which is likely to be more efficient (and more moral) than the monopoly law of the State. The fact that new businesses have to build up a reputation for honesty and quality is seen as a good consequence from the consumers' point of view, and a natural (as opposed to coercive) barrier to entry.

[edit] See also

[edit] Books

[edit] Anarcho-capitalist

[edit] Anarcho-socialist

[edit] General/Other

[edit] External links

Category:Anarchism Category:Forms of government Category:Political theories Category:Social philosophy