Flemish movement

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Flemish flag, as used by the Flemish movement
Flemish flag, as used by the Flemish movement

The Flemish movement (Dutch: Vlaamse Beweging) is a popular term used to describe the political movement for greater autonomy of the Belgian region of Flanders, for protection of the Dutch language in Flanders, and for protection of the Flemish culture.

The Flemish movement's more extreme wing is dominated by right-wing organizations such as the Vlaams Belang (the second largest single party in Flemish parliament as of the last parliamentary elections), Voorpost, Nationalistische Studentenvereniging (Nationalist Students Union in English), and several others. The most radical group on the left side is the Brussels based Marxist-inspired and Flemish independist organisation "Meervoud". The militant wing also comprises several more moderate groups such as the N-VA (Dutch: Nieuw-Vlaamse Alliantie, English: "New-Flemish Alliance", a relatively small party with representatives in regional and federal parliaments) and several extra-perliamentary organisations, many of which are represented in the OVV (Dutch: Overlegcentrum van Vlaamse Verenigingen, English: "Consultation Center of Flemish Associations"). The most important of these is the VVB (Dutch: Vlaamse Volksbeweging, English: "Flemish People's Movement").

The Flemish movement's "moderates" were dominated by the Volksunie ("People's Union" in English -- an important party that has greatly advanced the Flemish cause from its foundation in 1954 to its collapse in 2002). After the Volksunie's collapse, the party's representatives spread out over all Flemish parties, and nowadays nearly every Flemish party (except the Vlaams Blok) can be considered part of the moderate wing of the Flemish movement. The moderate wing has many ties with workers and employers organisations, especially with VOKA (VEV: Vlaams Economisch Verbond in Dutch, 'Flemish Economic Union' in English).

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[edit] Ideological Tendencies

[edit] Independentists

Today, the militant wing of the Flemish movement generally advocates the foundation of an independent Flemish republic with Brussels as its capital. rightist Vlaams Belang and traditional conservative N-VA support this view. The Vlaams Belang, who gathered 24.15% of the votes in Flanders in the last regional elections (2004), is now the second largest political formation in Flanders. A small part of the militant wing even advocates reunion with the Netherlands to form a greater Netherlands that is sometimes called Dietsland. This view is shared with several Dutch right-wing activists and nationalists, who are very supportive of the Flemish movement. Recently, several more moderate politicians in the Netherlands have also adopted this idea, including left-wing politicians such as Jan Terlouw.

[edit] Confederalists

Left wing regionalist Spirit, as well as several representatives of important Flemish parties belonging to the moderate wing, including the Christian democrat CD&V party (the largest party in Flemish Parliament as of 2003), the liberal VLD party (3rd largest), and, to a lesser extent, the socialist SP.A (4th largest) party, prefer a confederal organisation of the Belgian state over the current federal organisation. Such a scheme would make the Flemish government responsible for nearly all aspects of government, whereas some important aspects of government are currently the responsibility of the Belgian federal government. The Belgian and Flemish capital of Brussels would remain a city where both Dutch-speaking and French-speaking citizens share equal rights, whereas the militant wing's independist vision would, to a certain extent, render the French-speaking citizens of Brussels - who represent more than 80% of the population of that city - foreigners in a Flemish, Dutch-speaking region.

[edit] Federalists

Several representatives of the SP.A and, to a lesser extent, the CD&V and VLD parties, prefer an improved federal organisation of the Belgian state over a confederal organisation. This view is shared with several social and cultural organisations such as the Vermeylenfonds ('Vermeylen Foundation' in English), with labor unions, and with mutual health insurance organisations. The advocates of this view hope to improve the Belgian institutions so that they work correctly. However, recent allegations on continued discrimination against Dutch-speaking citizens by hospitals and medical emergency services in Brussels - who were proved very mild by a report from the Council of Europe, the resistance of the French-speaking people living in Flanders to see their cultural and political rights cut further, and the near-impossibility to alleviate labor costs because of alleged conservative resistance from the French-speaking Socialist union is not strengthening support for the federalist line.

[edit] History

For prior events: see History of Belgium and Flanders

When Belgium became independent from the Netherlands in 1830, there was a (political) reaction against the Dutch, including their language. The economic heart of Belgium in those days was Wallonia, with its coal mines and iron ore, while Flanders, to a large extent was a rural and economically underdeveloped region. The combination of political and economic factors, lead to a domination of French in Belgium and Flemish was reduced to the status of a local patois.

Half a century after the Belgian revolution, Flemish intellectuals such as Jan Frans Willems, Philipp Blommaert, Karel Lodewijk Ledeganck, Ferdinand Augustijn Snellaert, August Snieders, Prudens van Duyse and Hendrik Conscience began to call for recognition of the Dutch language and culture of Belgium. This movement became known as the Flemish movement, but was more intellectual than social, with contributors such as Charles De Coster, author of Uilenspiegel and the poets Guido Gezelle, Hugo Verriest and Albrecht Rodenbach.

Cultural organizations which wanted to promote the Flemish language and culture were founded, such as the Willemsfonds in 1851, and the Davidsfonds in 1875. The first Vlaemsch Verbond (Constant Leirens, Ghent) and the Nederduitse Bond, were founded in 1861. The Liberale Vlaemsche Bond was founded in 1867. Writers such as Julius de Geyter and Max Rooses were active in the Nederduitse Bond. On 26 September 1866, Julius de Geyter founded the Vlaamsche Bond in Antwerp. In 1867, the Flemish weekly magazine Het Volksbelang, founded by Julius Vuylsteke, appeared for the first time on 12 January 1867.

In 1861, the first Flemish political party, the Meetingpartij was founded in Antwerp, by radical liberals, Catholics and Flamingants (Jan Theodoor van Rijswijck, J. De Laet and E. Coremans), and it existed until 1914. In 1888, Julius Hoste Sr. founded the moderate liberal Flemish newspaper Het Laatste Nieuws, to support the Flemish movement in Brussels. In 1893, the Flemish priest Adolf Daens, founded the Christene Volkspartij, which would cause a radicalization and democratization of the Catholic party. The first Flemish political success was the passing of the Gelijkheidswet (E: Equality law) in 1898 that for the first time recognized Dutch (Flemish) as equal to French in judicial matters (legal documents). In 1910, the law Franck-Paul Segers was accepted on the usage of Dutch in secondary education in public schools.

The liberal politician Louis Franck, the Roman catholic Frans van Cauwelaert and the socialist Camille Huysmans (together they were called the three crowing cocks) worked together for the introduction of Flemish at the University of Ghent. In 1911 the proposal by Lodewijk De Raet, for the introduction of Flemish at the University of Ghent, was accepted. However it would not be implemented until 1930. With the coming of the 20th century the Flemish movement became more radical and during World War I many activists welcomed the occupiers as liberating Germanic brothers. The young Marnix Gijsen and the poet Paul van Ostaijen, were involved in the activist movement during the war. The Germans did indeed help out their "Germanic brothers" by setting Dutch as the sole administrative language and by converting Ghent University to the Dutch language. Most of the Flemish population however loathed those traitors that had collaborated with the brutal German occupiers. With the German defeat so went many of the language reforms. The collaboration and subsequent prosecution of certain leaders of the Flemish movement did not of course produce a climate congenial to compromise.

The Flemish Movement became more social through the Frontbeweging (Front Movement in English), an organization of Flemish soldiers who complained about the lack of consideration for their language in the army and Belgium in general, and harbored pacifistic feelings. From this the Frontbeweging became a political movement, dedicated to peace, tolerance and autonomy (Nooit Meer Oorlog, Godsvrede, Zelfbestuur), and yearly pilgrimages to the IJzertoren are still held to commemorate this. Many legends arose regarding the treatment of Flemish soldiers in WWI, and though they have been mostly disproved by the research of young Flemish historians, their myth still forms an important part of the Flemish victimization feeling. For instance, one such legend is that many Dutch-speaking soldiers were slaughtered because they could not understand orders given to them in French by Walloon officers. While the official language of the army was indeed French, the truth is that units were organized by geographical origin, and their commanding officers were perfectly capable of translating central orders into the language of their troops, be it Flemish, French or Walloon. Another quite frustrating matter was (and is, up to now) the bad knowledge of Dutch by the Belgian royal family. It's been told that king Albert I gave a speech during WW I, in French, concluding with the words Pour les Flamands, la même chose (E: 'For the Flemings, the same', a very condescending expression towards the Flemish community.) That's one of the reasons, the Belgian monarchy is generally less popular in Flanders than it is in Wallonia. In the 1920s the first Flemish nationalist party was elected and in 1928, August Borms, a prominent Flemish leader on death row for working in the German Flemish government, was elected.

In the 1930s the Flemish movement grew ever larger and larger and Dutch was recognized for the first time as the sole language of Flanders. In 1931, Joris Van Severen founded the Verbond van Dietse Nationaal-Solidaristen Verdinaso, a fascist movement in Flanders.

During World War II, Belgium was once again occupied. The Germans enacted laws to protect and encourage the Dutch language in Flanders and generally did all they could to encourage ill-feeling between Flemings and francophones, e.g. by liberating Flemish POW's but not francophone ones. Although the Nazis had no intention whatsoever of allowing the creation of a Greater Dutch or a Flemish state, many Flemish nationalists embraced collaboration. Predictably, they were prosecuted after the war and their cause thoroughly discredited, partly because it suited adversaries, but also because most of the Flemish movement continues to this very day to pretend collaboration was justified or at the very least excusable.

After the war, the Flemish movement lay dormant for nearly 20 years. The Vermeylenfonds was founded in 1945. Then in the 1960s the movement once again picked up steam and in 1962 the language borders were finally set up with Brussels being designated as a bilingual city. The late 60s saw all major Belgian political parties splitting up into Flemish and francophone wings. It also saw the emergence of the first major nationalist Flemish party, the Volksunie (People's Union, but not in the communist sense). In 1977 more radical right-wing splinters of the Volksunie came together to form the Vlaams Blok, which would later become known as Vlaams Belang. This party would overtake the Volksunie and today is, numerically, the main party of the right-wing Flemish movement.

In 2000 the Volksunie split into Spirit and N-VA. Both parties now have coalitions with other parties. In the 2004 elections both Spirit (with SP.A) and NVA (with CD&V) won and take part of the newly formed government.

[edit] See also

[edit] External links

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