User:Abebenjoe/Sandbox

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

David Lewis
David Lewis circa 1970
Leader of the New Democratic Party
In office 1971 – 1975
Preceded by	Tommy Douglas
Succeeded by	Ed Broadbent
Constituency	Canada
Federal Member of Parliament
In office 1962 – 1963
Preceded by	William G. Beech, Progressive Conservative
Succeeded by	Marvin Gelber, Liberal
Constituency	York South
Majority	3,678 plurality
Federal Member of Parliament
In office 1965 – 1974
Preceded by	Marvin Gelber, Liberal
Succeeded by	Ursula Appolloni, Liberal
Constituency	York South
Born	June 23 or October, 1909[1] Svisloch, Russian Empire (now Belarus)
Died	May 23, 1981 Ottawa, Ontario
Political party	Co-operative Commonwealth Federation & New Democratic Party
Spouse	Sophie Lewis, nee Carson
Children	Stephen Lewis, Michael Lewis, Janet Solberg, Nina Libeskind
Residence	Toronto/Ottawa, Ontario
Occupation	Lawyer
Religion	Jewish
^ Smith,p.93

David Lewis (born Losz)^[2] , CC, MA (June 23, or October 1909 -May 23, 1981)^{[3] [4]} was a Russian-born Canadian labour lawyer and social democratic politician. He was national secretary of the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation from 1936 to 1950, and, with Stanley Knowles, was one of the key architects of the New Democratic Party (NDP) in 1961. He was the NDP's national leader from 1971 to 1975.

Contents 1 Early life in Russia 1.1 Birth 1.2 The Bund and Jewish life in the Pale 1.3 The Russian Civil War 1.4 Religous education 2 Life in Canada 2.1 Learning English 2.2 Baron Byng High School 2.3 McGill University 3 Political foundations 3.1 Lewis' Marxism 4 Rhodes Scholarship and Oxford 4.1 Labour Club 4.2 The Oxford Union 4.3 British Labour Party 5 Back to Canada, and an uncertain future 5.1 Marriage to Sophie Carson 5.2 J.S. Woodsworth's job offer 5.3 Social Gospel and David Lewis' Parliamentary Marxism 6 CCF National Secretary 6.1 1943-1945 Defeated Politician 6.2 1945 Elections: Disappointment and Defeat 7 Private Labour Law practice 8 1962: Finally elected to House of Commons 9 Leader of the NDP 10 Awards and death 11 References and notes 12 See also 13 External links

[edit] Early life in Russia

[edit] Birth

David Lewis, his family's original name was Losz, was born sometime after Svisloch, Russia's, first snowfall in October 1909 (officially, he was born on June 23, 1909 because that was the date he gave the immigration officer in Halifax, Nova Scotia, when he arrived in Canada.).^[5] His parents were Moishe and Rose Losz. His father was a the leader of the Jewish Labour Bund in his hometown and worked in the Tanneries. ^[6]

[edit] The Bund and Jewish life in the Pale

To understand David Lewis's political activism requires an examination of his roots in the Shetal he lived in from 1909 until 1921. Svisloch was located in the Russian Empire's Pale of Settlement or Pale for short, near the Polish and Russian border in present-day Belarus.^[7] The old market town was overwhelmingly Jewish, with 3500 of its 4500 residents being of that faith.^[8] Unlike many of the the other Shetals in the Pale, it had an industrial economy based on the Tannery business.^[9] This meant there were factory workers that could be mobilized into Labour organizations. Which is why the Jewish Labour Bund, or Bund for short, was so prevalent in the town in the early twentieth century. ^[10] Moishe Losz was Svisloch's Bund Chairman. ^[11] Lewis spent his formative years immersed in the Bund's culture and philosophy. The Bund was an outlawed socialist party that called for overthrowing the Tsar, equality for all, and national rights for the Jewish community. ^[12] The Bund's membership, although mostly Jewish, was actually secular humanist in practice. ^[13] The Bund was both a working political party and a Labour movement. ^[14] It was preoccupied in changing the system that was at the roots of low pay and dangerous, harsh working conditions.^[15] At its beginning, the Bund realized that its project could only be successful if it were local in focus. A notion that is seen in one of its maxims, “a real revolutionary movement must have it roots...in its own environment.”^[16] Another important maxim that would influence Moishe, David, and his son Stephen was: “It is better to go along with the masses in a not totally correct direction than to separate oneself from them and remain a purist.”^[17] This philosophy of compromise, has been part of both the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF) and New Democratic Party's (NDP) practices, and came into play between their “ideological missionaries and the power pragmatists when internal debates raged about policy or action.^[18] As Cameron Smith puts it in his book Unfinished Journey: The legacy of the Bund is their sense of social justice, the identification with workers, the focus on organization, the commitment to equality and democratic procedures, fierce anti-communism, secular humanism, multi-culturalism, the sense of international community, the anger with exploitation – in these things the genes of the Bund live on. ^[19]

[edit] The Russian Civil War

When the Russian Civil War was at its fiercest, in the summer of 1920, Poland invaded, and the Red Russian Bolshevik army counter-attacked. The Bolshevik's were on Svisloch's border in July 1920. Moishe Losz openly opposed the Bolsheviks and would later be jailed by them for his opposition.^[20] He barely escaped with his life. When the Polish army recaptured Svisloch on August 25, 1920, they executed five Jewish citizens as “spies.” ^[21] This was a false charge and was more of a tactic to keep the locals scared and not to participate in counter insurgency. Seeing that he wasn't safe under either regime, and the prospects for the future of his family, he left for Canada in May 1921, to work in his brother-in law's clothing factory in Montreal. By August, he saved up enough money to send for his family, including David, Charlie, and Doris.^[22]

[edit] Religous education

David Lewis was secular Jew – just like his father Maishe. However his maternal grandfather, Usher Lazarovitch, was religous and in the brief period between May and August before David emigrated, gave his grandson the only real religous training he would ever receive.^[23]. Even though he wasn't yet thirteen, the age when Jewish boys have their Bar Mitzvah and complete their religious instruction, his grandfather proceeded to teach him how to wear the phylacteries. Besides attending morning services with his grandfather during this period, Lewis would not actively take part in a relgious service again until his granddaughter Ilna's Bat Mitzvah in the late 1970s.^[24] In practice the Lewis clan is aethist which includes David, his wife Sophie, and their children Janet, Stephen, and Michael.^[25]

[edit] Life in Canada

The family came to Canada by boat and landed in Halifax, Nova Scotia. They then went by rail to Montreal to meet-up with Moishe Lewis.

[edit] Learning English

David Lewis came to Canada as a native Yiddish speaker, understanding very little English. He learned the language by buying a copy of Charles Dickens' novel The Old Curiosity Shop, and a Yiddish - English dictionary. A teacher of Welsh descent at Fairmont Public School where Lewis was a student, helped him. But he also passed on his Welsh accent to Lewis.^[26]

[edit] Baron Byng High School

He entered Baron Byng High School in September 1924. He soon became friends with A.M. (Abe) Klein, who was to become one of Canada's leading poets. He also met Irving Layton another giant of Canadian literature. Lewis played political mentor to Layton.^[27]

Baron Byng High School was predominately Jewish in population because, at the time, it was in the heart of Montreal's non-affluent Jewish community. It was ghetto-like because Jews from outside the school district were not allowed to go other high schools, like Montreal High.^[28]

Besides making friends with some of Canada's future literary stars, he met the woman that would eventually become his wife: Sophie Carson. Klein intoduced them, as he was their mutal friend. She came from a second generation Jewish-Canadian family, that maintained a religious home. Her father did not approve of David due to him being a recent immigrant to Canada, with what originally looked like no prospects. ^[29]

[edit] McGill University

David spent five years at McGill University in Montreal: four in arts, and one in Law. He helped found the Young People's Socialist League (YPSL).^[30] While at McGill he lectured at this anti-communist socialist club, and was its nominal leader.^[31]

In his third year, Lewis founded The McGilliad campus magazine.^[32] Many of his anti-communist views were printed in it during 1930-31. Even though he ws an anti-communist, he published in the December 1930 issue his approval of the Russian Revolution and called for a greater understanding of the Soviet Union.^[33] Throughout his career, he would attack communism, but would always have a sympathy for the grand experiment of 1917.^[34]

While at McGill, he met and worked with prominant Canadian socialists like F.R. Scott, Eugene Forsey, J. King Gordon, and Frank Underhill. He would later work with all of them in the CCF party in the 1940s and 1950s.^[35]

[edit] Political foundations

[edit] Lewis' Marxism

He rejected the need for both the necessity for violent revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat. These were rejected due to his Bundist roots. The Bund insisted, to the point of obsession, that the revolution should be sought through democratic means, as Marx had judged possible in the late 1860s, and that democratic procedures should continue to prevail for everyone after the revolution.^[36]

Lewis' views not the same as followers of the Bolshevik revolution. For Lenin called those who insisted on full democratic procedures "liquidationsts," meaning that they had fallen prey to reformism and bourgeois tendencies.^[37] Stalin referred to Lewis' type of social democratic Marxism as "social fascists."^[38]. It is not surprising that Lewis had an undying antagonism towards Communists.

Fabian socialism influenced David mainly because of its reach was so expert, its approach so humane, and its focus on issues so practical and immediate.^[39] Fabianism mainly influenced him in terms of policies that could be implemented and in procedures that underlined democratic practices, not in his determination to lay siege to the power structure.^[40] The British Labour Party, with its parliamentary approach to attaining power, and its organizational prowess similar to the Bund's.^[41] As Lewis biographer Cameron Smith points out: "So what he ended up with was a modified Bundist interpretation of Marxism. Call it, if you will, Parliamentary Marxism. It was a Marxian analysis of economics and a parliamentary approach to politics. And if David were forced to choose, he would have chosen Parliamentary over Marxism."^[42]

[edit] Rhodes Scholarship and Oxford

When David Lewis entered Oxford in 1932, he immediately too up a leadership role in the university's socialist-labour circles. Michael Foote , the future leader of the British Labour Party in the 1980s reminicising about Lewis, "the most powerful socialist debater in the place. I don't think with any rival....He had a very powerful influence indeed amongst students, partly because he had so much more experience than the rest of us but partly because he had brilliant debating powers. I mean one of the best I've ever heard. If you talk of tough political debates, well, he was absolutely unbeatable....I knew him [at Oxford] when I was a Liberal [and] he played a part in converting me to socialism." ^[43]

[edit] Labour Club

When Lewis came to Oxford, the Labour Club was a tame organization adhering to Christian activism, or the not-quite-so-scrappy-socialist theories of people such as R.H.Tawney and his book The Acquisitive Society. David's modified Bundist interpretation of Marxism, that Smith labels "Parliamentary Marxism," ignited the renewed interest in the club after the disappointment with Ramsey's Labour government.^[44]

The Oxford newspaper Isis noted Lewis' leadership ability at this early stage in his career in their February 7, 1934 issue: "The energy of these University Socialists is almost unbelievable. If the Socialist movement as a whole is anything like as active as they are, then a socialist victory at the next election is inevitable."^[45]

In February 1934, British fascist William Joyce, (Lord Haw Haw), visited Oxford. Lewis and future Ontario CCF leader Ted Jolliffe , organized a noisy protest against the fascist, by simply planting Labour Club members, in the dance hall that Joyce was speaking in, and causing a commotion as groups of two and three, left making much noise on the creaking wooden floors. The speech was foiled. Afterwards, the Blackshirt contingent had a street battle in Oxford with members of the Labour Club and the townsfolk.^[46]

Lewis prevented the communists from really making inroads at Oxford. He increased membership by three quarters by the time he left.^[47] Ted Jolliffe stated "there was a difference between his speeches at the Union and his speeches at the Labou Club. His speeches at th Union had more humour in them; the atmosphere was entirely different. but his speeches at th Labour Club were deadly serious.... His influence at th Labour Club, more than anyone else's, I think, explains the failure of the Communists to make headway there. here were so many naive people around who could have been taken in.^[48]

[edit] The Oxford Union

At the end of January 1933, Lewis made his first appearance at th Oxford Union, probably the most prestigious and important debating club in the English speaking world,^[49] The debate was on the resolution "That the British Empire is a menace to International good will" and, Lewis was one of the participants for the "Aye" side. ^[50] They lost.

The debate that brought Lewis to some level of early prominence was the debate on February 9, 1933. The debate topic was so controversial, that it was news around the English Empire and beyond. ^[51] The resolution was, "That this House will under no circumstances fight for its King or Country." Lewis again spoke for the "Aye" side. They won overwhelmingly and this caused an uproar throughout the Empire's newspapers.^[52] The Times of London entered the fray by poo-pooing those that took the Union and their motion seriously.^[53]

Lewis became a member of the Union's library Committee on March 9, 1933. He would eventually progress to the treasurer's position in March 1934. After two attempts, he became the president of the Union by winning a close election in late November 1934. He was president during the Hilary Term, from the beginning of January until the end of April 1935.^[54] The Isis commented that "...David Lewis...will be, beyond question, the least Oxonian person ever to the lead the Society. In appearance, background, and intellectual outlook he is a grim antithesis to all the suave, slightly delicate young men who for generations have sat on the Union rostrum..."^[55]

[edit] British Labour Party

David Lewis was a very bright star in the British Labour Party. Upon his graduation, in 1935, the Labour Party had offered him a safe seat in the British House of Commons.^[56] At the time of his graduation, Lewis hit a proverbial fork-in-the-road: he could stay in England, be a partner in a prominent London law firm, and become a cabinet minister the next time Labour formed government. Stafford Cripps, then a prominent barrister and Labour Party official was grooming David Lewis to Prime inster of England. Or he could return to Montreail, and help build the fledgling CCF, with no financial assurdiness. In the end, he gave up certain success in England and sailed back to Canada to work for the CCF.^[57]

[edit] Back to Canada, and an uncertain future

[edit] Marriage to Sophie Carson

After he and Sophie Carson returned to Montreal from Oxford, they wed. They were married on August 15, 1935 in his parent's home, with a rabbi performing a mostly civil law ceremony, as most traditional Jewish practices were not observed. ^[58]

[edit] J.S. Woodsworth's job offer

J.S. Woodsworth personally wrote a handwritten note on June 19, 1935 asking Lewis to come back to Canada and work for the CCF.^[59]

In 1935 David Lewis became the National Secretary. As Lewis biographer Cameron Smith put it: Into this political whirlwind stepped David. A centralist in a nation that was decentralizing. A socialist in a country that voted solidly capitalist. A campaigner for a party with no money, facing two parties each of which was big, powerful, and affluent. A professional, in a party of amateurs who mostly thought of themselves as a movement, not a party. An anti-Communist at a time when Canadian Communists were about to enter their heyday. A publicist seeking a unified voice for a party riven with dissent. An organizer whose leader, J.S. Woodsworth, really didn't believe in organization, thinking that the CCF should remain a loosely knit, co-operative association and believed this so implicitly that when it came time to appoint Lewis full-time to the job of national secretary [in 1938] he resisted, fearing the CCF would lose its spontaneity. That Lewis not only survived, but prevailed is a testament to his skill and perseverance.^[60]

[edit] Social Gospel and David Lewis' Parliamentary Marxism

Most of founders of the CCF -- J.S. Woodsworth, T.C. Douglas, M.J. Coldwell, Stanely Knowles, etc., were informed by the Social Gospel of the Christian Protestant-movement.^[61] David Lewis' Marxist based socialism, balanced by the Bund's fundamentally democratic principles, felt an affinity to the Social Gosepl. Both the and the Social Gospel were focused on the here and now, some reward in the afterlife. They both called on people to change their environment for the better, themselves. Social Justice, the brotherhood of man, the morality of striving to become a good person, were all in common to both projects.^[62]

[edit] CCF National Secretary

It became obvious after the October 1937 Ontario election, that the party needed an image change. It was seen by the electorate as far too Left.^[63] F.R. Scott wrote to Lewis to point this out.^[64] He mentioned not only moderating some of the policies, but "...in the political arena we must find our friends among the near right."^[65]

During his tenure as the National Secretary, he emphasized organization over ideology and forging links to unions.^[66] From this point forward, Lewis worked to moderate the party's image and remove the more radical language of the Regina Manifesto that seemed to scare-off moderate voters. The offending lines in the Manifesto were: "[that] No CCF government will rest content until it has eradicated capitalism and put into operation the full programme of socialized planning...."^[67] Both Lewis, M.J. Coldwell and Clarie Gillis would spend the next 19 years trying to modify this declaration, finally succeeding with the 1956 Winnipeg Declaration.

A key concession that Lewis won at the November 1944 convention was "that even large business could have a place in the party -- if they behave."^[68] The key concern was monopoly capitalism, and how to prevent it. Specifically, Lewis was able to poass the following resolution "The socialization of large-scale enterprise, however, does not mean taking over every private business. Where private business shows no signs of becoming a monopoly, operates efficiently under decent working conditions, and does not operate to the detriment of the Canadian people, it will be given every opportunity to function, to provide a fair rate of return and to make its contribution to the nation's wealth.^[69] This allowed for a mixed-economy, that still left most jobs in the private sphere.^[70]

If anything, Lewis was keenly aware that the struggle was to not remain "ideologically pure," and that the party had to watch what it said. As the old Bundists knew "it was better to go along with the masses in a not totally correct direction than to separate oneself from them and remain "purist".^[71] The problem was tha the CCF was as much a "movement" as it was a "political party." Members frequently undermined hte party. Lewis criticized the B.C. CCF for recent comments published in their paper: "...what we say and do must be measured by the effect which it will have on our purpose of mobilizing people for action. If what we say and do will blunt or harm our purpose...then we are saying and doing a false thing even if, in the abstract, it is true... When, in heaven's na e are we going to learn that working-class politics and the struggle for power are not a Sunday-school class where purity of godliness and the infallibility of the Bible must be held up without fear of consequences."^[72]

David Lewis was the party's heavy. He was the bearer of bad news. This did not help his popularity. But considering he witnessed first-hand the Left ripe itself apart in the 1930s Europe, he was quick to end self-immolating tactics or policies. ^[73] He would satisfy party members criticizing the party, but when it evolved into self mutilation, he cut it down with a pitiless, decisively cut-throat urgency, before it could harm the CCF.^[74].

This was most apparent when Lewis attacked and discredited Frank Underhill and his handling of Woodsworth House. It didn't matter that Underhill was one of Lewis' mentors, when Woodsworth House was stricken with financial difficulties in the late 1940s, Lewis was quick to blame and then ride Underhill and the rest of the Woodsworth executive of their responsibilities. It was an unfortunate event that cost th CCF in the academic and intellegencia world.^[75]

To sum up Lewis' reign, discipline and solidarity were paramount. There had to be limits to discussion and tolerance of dissenting views. .

[edit] 1943-1945 Defeated Politician

The party asked Lewis to run in the by-election in the Montreal, Quebec federal riding of Cartier, held in 1943. It became vacant due to the death of its MP, Peter Bercovitch on Boxing day 1942. Lewis was up against fellow Jew, Fred Rose, the Communist candidate. It was a vicious campaign, that A.M. Klein immortalized in an uncompleted novel called Come the Revolution.^[76] The novel was eventually broadcasted in the 1980s on Lister Sinclair's^[77] programme on CBC radio one Ideas.^[78] If the Communist rhetoric could be believed: "Lewis was a Fascist done up in brown."^[79]

On election day, Lewis would experience something he wasn't accustomed to in his career to date: defeat and humiliation. It was a bitterly fought campaign, the likes of which could be traced back to Svilotch and the battles between the Red and White armies in the Russian Civil War.^[80] Rose won and became the first and only (as of 2007), Communist to sit in the House of Commons as a Member of Parliament. Lewis placed fourth. The sizable Jewish vote mostly went to Rose. The leftist "common front" punished Lewis, by supporting Rose who was seen to be of the community because Lewis was, at the time, living in Ottawa. It took Lewis many years to recover from this campaign, and in 1945, the reverberation of this campaign coloured Lewis' decision on where to run.^[81]

By-election on 9 August 1943
Party		Candidate	Votes
	Labour-Progressive	ROSE, Fred	5,789
	Bloc populaire canadien	MASSE, Paul	5,639
	Liberal	PHILLIPS, Lazarus	4,180
	Co-operative Commonwealth	LEWIS, David	3,313
	Independent	MILLER, Moses	109

[edit] 1945 Elections: Disappointment and Defeat

The federal and the Ontario elections of 1945 were possibly the most crucial to Canada in the 20th century.^[82] Like in England, it was the time of the beginning of the Welfare State, and depending on which party got in, would literally set the course of political thought, for good or ill, to the end of the century and beyond.^[83] 1945 would turn out to be a disaster for the CCF, both nationally and in Ontario, for the CCF would never fully recover from these defeats, and would, in 1961 be forced to dissolve and become the New Democratic Party.^[84] As NDP strategist and historian Gerald Caplan put it: "June 4, and June 11, 1945, proved to be black days in CCF annuals: socialism was effectively removed from the Canadian political agenda."^[85]

The anti-socialist crusade by the Ontario Conservatives, mostly credited to the Ontario Provincial Police (OPP) special investigative branch's agent D-208 (Captain William J. Osborne-Dempster) and the Conservative propagendists Gladstone Murray and Monatgue A. Sanderson,^[86] were highly effective considering how high in the polls the CCF were in late 1943 and early 1944. ^[87]

The other side of this 'perfect storm' for destroying the CCF's support was the unofficial coalition between the Federal Liberal Party and the Communist Labour Progressive Party.^[88] It guaranteed a split in the left-of-centre vote, with devastating effectiveness for both allies.^[89]

Why Lewis ran in a Hamiliton riding as opposed to a safe open Winnipeg riding that voted for the CCF since its inception and had a substantial Jewish population is not realy known and is open to debate. Historians and activitists disagree on the exact reason, but the shock of the Cartier election probably made Lewis gun shy to run in another knock-down battle with another Jewish Communist candidate.^[90] Lewis was soundly defeated, along with his party in the June 11th election.^[91]

[edit] Private Labour Law practice

Lewis resigned as national secretary in 1950 and moved to Toronto to practise law in partnership with Ted Jolliffe. He became the chief legal advisor to the United Steel Workers of America's Canadian division, and assisted them in their organizing efforts and in their battles with the Communist-led Mine, Mill union.

[edit] 1962: Finally elected to House of Commons

Lewis was elected as a Member of Parliament from 1962 to 1963 and 1965 to 1974. He established himself as one of the leading debaters in the House of Commons.

[edit] Leader of the NDP

In 1971, he ran to succeed retiring NDP leader Tommy Douglas, and won the leadership convention. He led the NDP through the 1972 federal election in which he uttered his best known quotation calling Canadian corporations "corporate welfare bums". That election campaign returned a minority government and elected the greatest number of NDP MPs until 1988, and left the NDP holding the balance of power until 1974. Lewis and the NDP propped up the Liberal government of Pierre Trudeau in exchange for the implementation of NDP proposals such as the creation of Petro-Canada as a crown corporation.

In the 1974 election, however, Lewis lost his seat in Parliament, leading him to resign as party leader. It was revealed immediately after the election that he had been battling cancer. It is reported that Lewis had kept everyone, including his family, unaware of his condition.

[edit] Awards and death

In 1976, he was made a Companion of the Order of Canada.

David Lewis completed his memoirs, The Good Fight: Political Memoirs 1909–1958 in 1981. He died shortly thereafter on May 23,1981. He is the father of Stephen Lewis, a former Ontario New Democratic Party leader who is now the United Nations Special Envoy for HIV/AIDS in Africa, and Michael Lewis, former Ontario New Democratic Party Secretary, and a leading organizer in the NDP. He is also the father of Janet Solberg, former president of the Ontario New Democratic Party in the 1980s.

Those related to Lewis include:

• Stephen Lewis - son, former United Nations ambassador
• Nina Libeskind - daughter, wife of architect Daniel Libeskind
• Broadcaster Avram (Avi) Lewis - grandson, son of Stephen Lewis

[edit] References and notes

• Ascher, Abraham; ed. (1976). The Mensheviks in the Russian Revolution: Documents of Revolution. London: Thames and Hudson. 
• Caplan, Gerarld (1973). The Dilemma of Canadian Socialism: The CCF in Ontario. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart. 
• Horowitz, Gad (1968). Canadian Labour in Politics. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. 
• Smith, Cameron (1989). Unfinished Journey: The Lewis Family. Toronto: Summerhill Press. ISBN 0-929091-04-3. 
• Stewart, Walter (2003). Tommy: the life and politics of Tommy Douglas. Toronto: McArthur & Company. ISBN 1-55278-382-0. 
• Stewart, Walter (2000). M.J.: The Life and Times of M.J. Coldwell. Toronto: Stoddart Publishing Co. Limited. ISBN 0773732322. 

[edit] See also

[edit] External links

Preceded by Tommy Douglas	New Democratic Party of Canada leaders 1971-1975	Succeeded by Ed Broadbent
Preceded by William G. Beech, Prog. Cons.	Member of Parliament for York South (first time) 1962-1963	Succeeded by Marvin Gelber, Liberal
Preceded by Marvin Gelber, Liberal	Member of Parliament for York South (second time) 1965-1974	Succeeded by Ursula Appolloni, Liberal

	Leaders of the CCF/NDP
Woodsworth | Coldwell | Argue | Douglas | Lewis | Broadbent | McLaughlin | McDonough | Layton