Zoran Đinđić

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Zoran Đinđić
Zoran Đinđić

Zoran Đinđić listen  (often Zoran Djindjic, from Serbian Cyrillic: Зоран Ђинђић, pronounced /ˈzorɑn ˈdʑɪndʑɪtɕ/) (1 August 195212 March 2003) was a Serbian prime minister, mayor of Belgrade (Beograd), long-time opposition politician and a philosopher by profession.

Đinđić was born in Bosanski Šamac, a town on the Sava river in northern Bosnia and Herzegovina, but he completed his secondary education in the IX-th gymnasium in Belgrade, where his father Dragomir was sent as an officer in the Yugoslavian army. His mother Mila was a hostess. Đinđić had one older sister - Gordana. Đinđić took an interest in politics as a student of philosophy at the University of Belgrade.

A pro-reform socialist, he continued his studies in Germany inter alia under professor Jürgen Habermas in Frankfurt. Đinđić went to Germany after being attacked by the communist regime and media, for trying to organize an independent political movement of Yugoslav students. It is said, that during his days as a student in Germany, Đinđić often visited the largest left-wing bookstore in the town, the "Libresso" at Opera Square where Joschka Fischer was working at the time. The relevance of this became a subject of speculation in the context of Fischer's earlier pacifism and his later unpopular decision to contribute to NATO attacks on Serbia. However, neither a political nor a personal friendship of the men can be proven.

In 1979 Đinđić obtained a Ph.D. in philosophy from the university of Konstanz. He spoke German fluently. His ability in English was at a moderate level and for that reason he was taking classes in English every day while he was Serbian prime-minister.

In 1989 Đinđić returned to Yugoslavia to take up a teaching post at Novi Sad University, and together with other Serb dissidents he founded the Democratic Party. He became Chairman of the Executive Board of the party in 1990, and was elected to the Parliament of Serbia in the same year. In 1993 he became the President of the Democratic Party.

After a massive series of public protests over elections annulled by the central government under Slobodan Milošević during the winter 1996/97, Đinđić became Mayor of Belgrade, the first non-communist mayor to hold that post after the Second World War. United only by their political enemy, the coalition "Zajedno" (Together) with Vuk Drašković's SPO and Vesna Pešić's GSS collapsed only four months after their victory. Đinđić was voted out of his position as Belgrade Mayor by the SPO, SPS and SRS.

After anti-regime publisher and journalist Slavko Ćuruvija was murdered on Orthodox Easter during NATO bombings attacking Serbia, Đinđić sought safety and fled to temporary exile in Montenegro, allegedly because of information that he was next on the assassination list of then-President Slobodan Milošević's secret service. Before long, he left for Western countries, being regarded as political friend by western leaders such as Gerhard Schröder and Bill Clinton. In September 1999 Đinđić was named by TIME magazine as one of the most important politicians at the beginning of the 21st century.

Photos of his handshake with Clinton at time of the bombings have been used by Milošević's propaganda to portray him as a traitor, as well as by the opposition to show his and accordingly Belgrade's possible international recognition. Upon his return to the country in July 1999, Đinđić was charged with endangering state security in a trial that was closed to the public and subsequently said to be rigged.

Đinđić played a prominent role in the presidential elections of Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in September 2000 and in the October 5 uprising that overthrew the Milošević's regime, and then led the broad-based 18-party Democratic Opposition of Serbia coalition to victory in the Serbian elections of December 2000. He became Premier of Serbia on 25 January 2001.

In 2001, Đinđić played a key role in sending Milošević to the UN War Crimes Tribunal in The Hague[1]. Later, he said that he became disillusioned with the protracted trial of Milošević, and even condemned it as an expensive "circus". Đinđić said the court in The Hague was "allowing Milošević to behave like a demagogue and to control the trial".

Đinđić was received favourably by Western nations. His meetings with Western leaders George Bush, Tony Blair, Jacques Chirac and others strongly indicated that the West supported his politics. Đinđić had constant disagreements with his ex-coalition partner and at the time Yugoslav federal president Vojislav Koštunica who was equally his biggest political rival in Serbia itself. His earlier close relationship with Montenegrin president Milo Đukanović had also cooled down because of Đukanović's aspiration for independent Montenegro state.

In 2001, Serbian government led by Đinđić signed letter of intent with Microsoft on consulting services and expert analysis for the government's electronic initiatives[2].

[edit] Assassination

Đinđić was assassinated in Belgrade in the stairway of the main Serbian government building on 12 March 2003, at 12:23 PM. Shot once in the chest, a high-power bullet penetrated his heart and killed him almost instantly. He was rushed to the Emergency hospital when he was treated but pronounced dead one hour later.

According to the official government statement, Đinđić was not conscious and did not have a pulse upon arriving at the emergency ward. His bodyguard Milan Veruović was also seriously wounded in the stomach by another shot.

Đinđić's assassin, allegedly police specialist Zvezdan Jovanović, called Zveki, had fired the bullets by sniper scope from the window of a nearby building. Jovanović was born in 1965 in Peć, Kosovo. He had been a member of the JSO, or the Red Berets, as people called them, and held the police rank of Lieutenant Colonel. Jovanović was active in the series of Yugoslav wars in the 1990s and stated he killed Đinđić because Đinđić was a traitor to his motherland, to Serbia.

The assassination of Prime Minister Zoran Đinđić was preceded by several unsuccessful attempts to end his life. Most notable was an attempt several days before 12 March 2003, in which a truck driven by Dejan Milenković, a known member of the criminal Zemun Clan, tried to force the Prime Minister's car off the highway in New Belgrade. Đinđić escaped injury only due to the outstanding reaction of his driver and his security detail.

Đinđić had made many enemies for his pro-Western stance, for reformist economic policies, for arresting Milošević, for relinquishing him to ICTY, and for clamping down on organized crime. The murder was allegedly organized by Milorad Ulemek, also known as Legija. Ulemek is an ex-Commander of the special police unit founded by Milosević's secret service during nineties, who ordered Jovanović to carry out the assassination. Legija was connected to the powerful Zemun clan of the Serbian mafia. Legija had been recently sentenced to 40 years in jail for other offences that included murder and attempted murder. Đinđić's foe Vojislav Šešelj who gave himself up to the ICTY just a few days before the assassination was also rumored to be among inspirers of assassination plot. The rumor was probably launched from Đinđić's DS.


Nataša Mićić, then acting President of Serbia, declared a state of emergency immediately following the shooting. Zoran Živković was elected by the Serbian Democratic Party as Đinđić's successor. However, after new parliamentary elections Boris Tadić was appointed president of the Democratic Party and Vojislav Koštunica became new Serbian Prime Minister.

Aleksandar Simović, an alleged co-conspirator, has been arrested in Belgrade on November 23, 2006[3].

Đinđić was married to Ružica and had two children with his wife. His daughter Jovana was born in 1990 and his son Luka was born in 1993. His solemn state procession and funeral on 15 March 2003, was attended by hundreds of thousands of citizens as well as by foreign delegations. Đinđić's death represents political and moral tragedy to a lot of Serbs who saw in him statesman of hope who guaranteed peaceful coexistence with neighboring nations, integration to Europe and rest of world, economic prosperity and brighter future.

His political opponent and critic during his premiership Vojislav Koštunica acknowledged his work two years later with these words:

Zoran Đinđić was the first to take this difficult task to lead government in very unstable times. Probably his energy and commitment made possible for things to move forward. It is one thing to watch it from sidelines and it is completely different to be in it. I understand that now when I am Prime Minister and watch things a bit differently. He was very important for the whole process.

[edit] Quotes

Wikiquote has a collection of quotations related to:
“If someone in Serbia thinks the law and the reforms can be stopped by eliminating me, then he is in a huge delusion. Serbia will continue to live on, and proceed on that path with or without me, because I myself am not the regime.”Politika (21 February 2003) and Glas Javnosti (24 February 2003).
In Serbian: “Ако неко мисли да ће зауставити спровођење закона тиме што ће мене уклонити онда се грдно вара, јер ја нисам систем. Систем ће функционисати и даље и нико неће добити амнестију за злочине тако што ће уклонити једног или два функционера државе.”―Политика 21. фебруар 2003. и Глас Јавности 24. фебруар 2003. године.

[edit] External links


Preceded by
Milomir Minic
Prime Minister of Serbia
2001–2003
Succeeded by
Zoran Živković
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