Zeyno Baran
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Zeyno Baran is the Director of the Center for Eurasian Policy and a Senior Fellow at the Hudson Institute in Washington DC.
Areas of Expertise: Geopolitics of energy, Turkey, Black Sea region, South Caucasus and Central Asia, Islamist ideology
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[edit] Biographical highlights
In April 2006, Zeyno Baran joined the Hudson Institute as a Senior Fellow and the Director of Hudson’s Center for Eurasian Policy.
From January 2003 until joining Hudson, Baran directed the International Security and Energy Programs at The Nixon Center. Through writings, seminars and briefings, Baran helped American policy-makers and opinion-leaders to understand the Eurasian region’s political, economic and social dynamics and the U.S. interests served by an effective partnership with key allies.
She has testified numerous times before congressional committees on issues ranging from U.S.-Turkey relations to political developments in the South Caucasus and integration and radicalization issues in Europe. Her current work focuses on strategies to thwart the spread of radical Islamist ideology in Europe and in Eurasia and to promote democratic and energy reform processes across Eurasia.
From 1999 until December 2002, Baran worked as Director of the Caucasus Project at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS). For more than a decade, she has written extensively on Caspian oil and gas pipeline projects and frequently travels to the region. In recognition of her prominent contribution to the development of the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan oil pipeline and the South Caucasus gas pipeline projects, she was awarded with the Order of Honor by Georgian President Eduard Shevardnadze in May 2003. Baran was a C.V. Starr Distinguished Visitor at the American Academy in Berlin in January 2006.
Baran received her M.A. in international economic development and her B.A. in political science from Stanford University. Her work on the compatibility of Islam and democracy received the Firestone Medal for Stanford’s most outstanding political science/international relations honors thesis in 1996.
[edit] A "Conveyor Belt for Terrorists"
Baran has investigated Hizb ut-Tahrir, a transnational Islamist organization, which she claims has frequently praised terrorist attacks but is strategically committed to non-violence. Baran was one of the first commentators to publicly warn that Hizb ut-Tahrir serves as a"conveyor belt for terrorists". The legitimacy of the "conveyor belt" theory received various criticism[1]. Hizb ut-Tahrir directly reproached Baran for inaccuracies in her writings. However, Baran believes her theory was validated by the recent disclosure in the New Statesman that Omar Sharif, the British suicide bomber who attempted an attack in Tel Aviv in 2003, had been an active member of Hizb ut-Tahrir.[2]. However, the article did not allege that he was a member of the organisation, but that he had attended a Hizb ut-Tahrir meeting. Hizb ut-Tahrir insist that he was never a member and that tens of thousands of Muslims and non-Muslims attend their meetings each year. During the trial of Omar Sharif's wife, brother and sister, the prosecution did not allege any involvement by Hizb ut-Tahrir.
[edit] The "Muslim Manifesto"
"Who are the moderate Muslims, and why do they not speak up?" After being asked this question over and over again since 9/11, particularly after the Danish cartoon crisis, Baran decided to propose the following Muslim Manifesto:
Recently, the disrespectful cartoons about Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) published in Jyllands-Posten resulted in an extreme reaction among many Muslims worldwide. While we understand the feelings of our co-religionists, we strongly urge them to refrain from rage and violence.
A zeal for Allah is rightful only when it is expressed in an enlightened manner, since Allah himself has ordained a restrained response. When the early Muslims were mocked by their pagan contemporaries, the Koran ordered not a violent backlash, but rather a civilized disapproval: "When you hear Allah's verses being rejected and mocked at by people, you must not sit with them till they start talking of other things." (Koran 4:140) The Koran also describes Muslims as "those who control their rage and pardon other people, [because] Allah loves the good-doers." (3:134) Therefore all demonstrations against the mockery of Islam should be peaceful. All critiques of Islam should be countered not by threats and violence, but by rational counter-argument.
We also believe that terrorist acts can never be justified or excused. None of the challenges Muslims face, such as oppression or military occupation, can justify attacks against non-combatants. In the Holy Koran, Allah orders Muslims to "never let hatred of anyone lead you into the sin of deviating from justice." (5:8) The true Islamic sense of justice is well-established in the traditions of the Prophet Muhammad (pbuh); even in time of war — let alone peace — Muslim soldiers should never "kill the old, the infant, the child, or the woman." Those who do so are not martyrs, but cold-blooded murderers.
Supported by the Koran's affirmation that "there is no compulsion in religion" (2:256), we cherish religious liberty. Every human has the right to believe or not to believe in Islam or in any other religion All Muslims furthermore have the right to reject and change their religion if desired. No state, community or individual has a right to impose Islam on others. People should accept and practice Islam not because they are forced to do so, but because they believe in its teachings.
We support and cherish democracy — not because we reject the sovereignty of the Almighty over people, but because we believe that this sovereignty is manifested in the general will of people in a democratic and pluralistic society. We do not accept theocratic rule-not because we do not wish to obey Allah, but because theocratic rule inevitably becomes rule by fallible (and sometimes corrupt and misguided) humans in the name of the infallible God.
We accept the legitimacy of the secular state and the secular law. Islamic law, or sharia, was developed at a time when Muslims were living in homogenous communities. In the modern world, virtually all societies are pluralistic, consisting of different faiths and of different perceptions of each faith, including Islam. In this pluralistic setting, a legal system based on a particular version of a single religion cannot be imposed on all citizens. Thus, a single secular law, open to all religions but based on none, is strongly needed.
We believe that women have the same inalienable rights as men. We strongly denounce laws and attitudes in some Islamic societies that exclude women from society by denying them the rights of education, political participation and the individual pursuit of happiness. Like men, women should have the right to decide how they will live, dress, travel, marry and divorce; if they do not enjoy these rights, they are clearly second-class citizens.
We believe that there is no contradiction between religious and national identities. Any Muslim should be able to embrace the citizenship of any modern secular state while maintaining feelings of spiritual solidarity with the umma, the global Muslim community.
We regard Christianity and Judaism as sister faiths in the common family of Abrahamic monotheism. We strongly denounce anti-Semitism, which has been alien to Islam for many centuries but which unfortunately has gained popularity among some Muslims in recent decades. We accept Israel's right to exist, as well as the justified aspiration of the Palestinian people for a sovereign state and hope that a just two-state solution in Israel/Palestine will bring peace to the Holy Land.
In short, we strongly disagree with and condemn those who promote or practice tyranny and violence in the name of Islam. We hope that their misguided deeds will not blacken our noble religion — which is indeed a path to God and a call for peace.
We encourage Muslim political, social, community and business leaders to contact us at info@muslimmanifesto.org to sign onto the Manifesto so that the authentic peaceful and civilized message of Islam will be heard.
[edit] Uzbekistan
In 2003, Baran "began second-track American efforts to engage with the Uzbekistani leadership to come up with better strategies to combat HT’s hold in Central Asia."[3]
Baran noted that she has "enjoyed the cooperation of the Uzbekistani government in its efforts, particularly that of former Uzbekistani Ambassador to the US Shavkat Khamrakulov and his successor, former Foreign Minister Abdulaziz Komilov." She also declared that the "assistance of current Foreign Minister Sadik Safaev has also been invaluable (who served in Washington from 1996 to 2000)."
In testimony to the Committee on International Relations, Baran argued against U.S. plans to protest Tashkent’s human rights abuses by cutting off relations and terminating financial assistance. "The single-issue advocacy of the human rights groups, aided and abetted by HT itself, has only made matters worse, especially in Uzbekistan. Certainly there are serious human-rights issues in Uzbekistan, particularly regarding torture, but the anti-Uzbekistani sentiment currently prevalent in the West is counterproductive." [4] She asserted that disengaging with the Uzbek government would be counterproductive both on humanitarian grounds and in terms of U.S. strategic interests in Eurasia. Baran correctly predicted that after U.S. disengagement, China and Russian would embrace Tashkent and whatever limited democratic reform was underway would cease altogether. Baran also foresaw that the Uzbek government would punish the U.S. by revoking it right to use military bases in the country which had been used to facilitate Operation Enduring Freedom in Afghanistan. [5]
[edit] Publications and Media Exposure
Baran has authored several monographs and numerous articles and policy studies. Her work has appeared in a variety of publications, including Foreign Affairs, The National Interest, The Washington Post, Wall Street Journal, The Washington Times, National Review, The International Herald Tribune and several Turkish, European and Eurasian newspapers. Baran regularly appears on major radio and television programs, including CNN, Fox News, BBC, The NewsHour, and Foreign Exchange with Fareed Zakaria. Fluent in Turkish, Baran also is a frequent commentator on leading Turkish and Azerbaijani radio and television programs[6].
[edit] Past Publication
“Patriot Games” The National Interest. Number 83. Spring 2006. A Muslim Manifesto. Co-authored with Mustafa Akyol. National Review Online. March 1, 2006. “The Clash to End all Clashes? Making sense of the cartoon jihad.” National Review Online. February 7, 2006. “Fighting the War of Ideas.” Foreign Affairs. November/December 2005. “Radical Islamists in Central Asia.” Current Trends in Islamist Ideology. Volume 2. Edited by Hillel Fradkin, Husain Haqqani and Eric Brown. November 2005. “Nonviolent, yet dangerous; Islam's ideological vanguard.” The International Herald Tribune. October 31, 2005. “Bosnia to Terrorism,” Baltimore Sun. July 25, 2005. “The Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan Pipeline: Implications for Turkey.” In The Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan Pipeline: Oil Window to the West, edited by S. Frederick Starr and Svante E. Cornell. May 2005. “War of Ideas,” Der Tagesspiegel. September 12, 2005. “An Unorthodox Orthodoxy,” National Review. Co-authored with Emmet Tuohy. April 15, 2005. “The Steppes to Democracy,” Wall Street Journal Europe. March 29, 2005. Energy Reform in Ukraine: Issues and Recommendations. Nixon Center paper. March 2005. “A Fallen Rose of Georgia,” The Washington Times. February 13, 2005. “Turkey and the Caucasus” in Turkish Foreign Policy in Post Cold War Era. Edited by Idris Bal. BrownWalker Press. 2004. Hizb ut-Tahrir: Islam’s Political Insurgency. Nixon Center monograph. December 2004. The Challenge of Hizb ut-Tahrir: Deciphering and Combating Radical Islamist Ideology. Nixon Center Conference Report. September 30, 2004. “America’s Challenge in Georgia,” In the National Interest, August 17, 2004. “Developing a Euro-Atlantic Strategy towards Black Sea Energy: The Example of the Caspian,” A New Euro-Atlantic Strategy for the Black Sea Region, German Marshall Fund of the United States publication, ed. Ronald Asmus, Konstantin Dimitrov and Joerg Forbrig, 2004. Understanding Sufism and its Potential Role in U.S. Foreign Policy. The Nixon Center Conference Report. March 2004. “The Road from Tashkent to the Taliban.” National Review Online. April 2, 2004. “Removing the Thorn in Georgia’s Rose Revolution.” In the National Interest, March 24, 2004. “New Players and Conflicts in the Orient: The Caucasus and Central Asia. A U.S. Perspective.” Conflicts in the Greater Middle East and the Transatlantic Relationship: German and U.S. Perspectives. Ed. Helmut Hubel and Markus Kaim. Baden-Baden 2004. “Getting the Greater Middle East Initiative Right,” In the National Interest, March 3, 2004. “The Dating Game.” The National Interest. Number 75. Spring 2004. “The North: How Turkey Can Help.” The Washington Post. April, 13, 2003. “Turkish Bravado versus American Bullying: A Clash of Civilizations?” In The National Interest. March 12, 2003. “From the Caspian to the Mediterranean: The East-West Energy Corridor Is Becoming Reality” In The National Interest. February 26, 2003. “Turkey’s Difficult Balancing Act” In The National Interest. January 29, 2003. “Europe’s Historic Opportunity” Wall Street Journal Europe. December 2, 2002. “The Caucasus: Ten Years after Independence.” The Washington Quarterly. 25:1 pp: 221-234, Winter 2002.
[edit] Recent Congressional Testimony
Testimony on “Combating al-Qaeda and the Militant Jihadist Threat.” Committee on Armed Services, Subcommittee on Terrorism, Unconventional Threats and Capabilities. U.S. House of Representatives. February 16, 2006
Testimony on “Energy Supplies in Eurasia and Implications for U.S. Energy Security.” International Economic Policy, Export and Trade Promotion Subcommittee. U.S. Senate. September 27, 2005.
Testimony on “The State of U.S.-Turkey Relations.” House Committee on International Relations, Subcommittee on Europe and Emerging Threats. U.S. House of Representatives. May 11, 2005.
Testimony on “Uzbekistan: The Key to Success in Central Asia?” House Committee on International Relations, Subcommittee on the Middle East and Central Asia. June 15, 2004.
