Turkish War of Independence
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Please see the discussion on the talk page. |
| The Turkish War of Independence | |||||||||
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 Sides of the conflict |
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| Combatants | |||||||||
 Turkish Revolutionaries |
 United Kingdom |
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| Commanders | |||||||||
| Mustafa Kemal Ismet Inonu Kazim Karabekir Ali Fuat Cebesoy Fevzi Çakmak |
George Milne
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| Franco-Turkish War |
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| Maras - Antep - Urfa |
| Greco-Turkish War (1919-1922) |
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| Smyrna (İzmir) - Aydın - 1st İnönü - 2nd İnönü - Sakarya - Dumlupinar |
| Turkish-Armenian War |
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| Oltu – Sarikamis – Kars – Alexandropol |
| Revolts |
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| Kuva-i Inzibatiye, Revolt of Ahmet Aznavur, Revolt of Copur Musa, Revolt of Demirci Mehmet Efe, Revolt of Milli Tribe, Revolt of Intikam Alayi |
| War of Independence | Single Party Period | Multi-Party Period | |||||||||
| Timeline of Independence | Timeline of Republic | |||||||||
| Economic History | Constitutional History | Military History | |||||||||
The Turkish War of Independence (Turkish: Kurtuluş Savaşı), or sometimes referred to as "rebirth of a nation" was part of the political and military events that began with the establishment of the national movement that ended with the declaration of the Republic of Turkey by succeeding at revolts, Turkish-Armenian war, Greco-Turkish war, Franco-Turkish war, Italians, and gaining international recognition through the Treaty of Lausanne. The movement instituted the relationships and ideas among the Turkish revolutionaries on the political front, which led to the evolution of Kemalism by replacing millet and Ottomanism of the Ottoman Empire, and later to the Atatürk's reforms defining a new (modern) Turkish nation.
In the "precursors" section, the competing factions with differing aims were appearing inside Anatolia. The reshaping of the Middle East, with the mandates, was already in place before the Mudros. For the rest of the Ottoman Empire, the allies engaged in dismantling the Ottoman military and disseminating their own views, often in competition against one another. The idea of using Bolshevism or the Mandates were first applied in the capital Istanbul and then eventually transmitted into the interior where the Turkish National Movement was forming. "The Inter-Allied Commission on Mandates in Turkey" was established by allies as a special body of Paris Conference pursuant to the secret treaties among the Allies signed between 1915-1917 to the groups in Anatolia.
In the "initial organization" section explains the summary of the nature of revolution as it was defined with a series of conferences. Turkish Revolutionaries were arguing for sovereignty and seeking to create a national parliament without relying on the support of external powers. At this point The Turkish National Movement persuaded the internal groups that volunteered, or were advised by the Allies to take a mandate.
"Jurisdictional Conflict" section explains the military activities, which shaped the boarders of the new state, Republic of Turkey, against the ideas of outside forces (Greece, British, Italy, France, Democratic Republic of Armenia) and inside forces (Ottomans, Feudal Lords, Minority). The section "Stage for Peace" covers the international recognition of the new state as a sovereign nation.
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[edit] Precursors
With the Armistice of Mudros, October 30, 1918, Allies began to implement their secret agreements over the Ottoman Empire. The Greeks had visions of a new Hellenic Empire (Megali Idea), based on particularly British Prime Minister David Lloyd George, who had promised territorial gains. Italians sought the southern part of Anatolia (Mediterranean region) which was promised to them. Under the secret Sykes-Picot Agreement, the French obtained Hatay, Lebanon and Syria and desired a part of South-Eastern Anatolia, and the British had already control of Arabia, Palestine, Jordan and Iraq. British was also seeking control over the straits.
The sharing of Anatolia among the Allied goverments began with the occupation of Izmir on May 15, 1919 by Greek army. A few days later the Italians landed in Antalya. British units were in the black sea region to build a bridge to the Democratic Republic of Armenia. The central Anatolia was relatively beyond allied direct control, apart from mostly British detachments and officers and some American relief units. There were remnants of the Ottoman Forces and gangs of (Ottoman) Greek or Turkish brigands. The country was in a state of collapse, with the allies virtually occupying the capital and controlling the Ottoman government. However alliances were also collapsing such as on April 24 the Italian delegation, angry about the possibility of the Greek occupation of Western Anatolia, left the Paris Peace Conference and did not return to Paris until May 5. The absence of the Italian delegation from the Conference ends up by facilitating Lloyd George's efforts to persuade France and the United States in Greece’s favour to prevent Italian operations in Western Anatolia.
Anatolia was fragmented on the political front. There were conflicting sides with conflicting visions. Allies activities based on the secret agreements were perceived as an elimination of their sovereignty from the places that they perceive their homeland. This fact was the main source binding mainly Muslim inhabitans of the Anatolia to each other.
The Ottoman government was weak to enforce its own decisions or restore the law and order in many parts. It was a puppet government or a government under military occupation. Resistance to this government started soon after the first dictated orders began to come in from the allied sources. To put an end to this situation the major allied power, Britain, said "If the Ottomans wouldn't do it, we would". The Allies' first goal was to control the ammunition and its distribution. The second demand was disbanding the small units by either to a bigger and more controllable or sending them home.
In reaction to the policies of the Allies, many Ottoman officials organized secret Outpost Societies (Karakol Cemiyeti). Outpost Societies main goal was to thwart the Allied demands, both through passive and active resistance. Many Ottoman officials also did all they could to conceal the details of the movements that spread through the country side from the occupation authorities. Small boats from the capital were sent out into the Aegean and the Black Sea. The first resistance movements in Thrace and Constantinople (Istanbul) were organized within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Before the leading officers of the Ottoman Army such as Mustafa Kemal (Nov 13, 1918), Kazim Karabekir (Nov 28, 1918), Ismet Inonu and others returned to Istanbul from their last posts. Since the southern rim of Anatolia was more or less under control by British warships and by competing Greek and Italian troops, the restoration of law and order had to be carried out from the north of Anatolia, which was the first move of Mustafa Kemal.
[edit] Initial organization (May 1919-March 1920)
In the face of the resistance, the sultan and government bribed major Ottoman Pashas like Mustafa Kemal with important positions in the areas remaining under so-called "direct Ottoman authority". Places that were not mainly occupied by the armies of Allies. The reason of the assignments were under question as if they were to support the national movement or to keep what little is left to the sultan and government with total agreement with the occupation army. The most prominent idea given against for sultan’s decision was by assigning these officers out of the capital, Sultan tried to minimize the effectiveness of these soldiers in the capital. The view from the capital was without an organized army, the Allies could not be defeated, and national movement did not have any army in May 1919.
Through manipulation and the help of friends and sympathizers at the right places, Mustafa Kemal became the Inspector General of virtually all of the Ottoman forces in Anatolia, to oversee the disbanding process. He and his carefully selected staff left Constantinople (Istanbul) aboard SS Bandırma, an old steamer for Samsun on the evening of May 16, 1919. The inspector general who stepped ashore on May 19, 1919 set up his quarters in the Mintika Palace Hotel. He made the people of Samsun aware of the Greek and Italian landings, staged mass meetings (whilst remaining discreet) and made, thanks to the excellent telegraph network, fast connections with the army units in Anatolia. He started to form links between various nationalists groups. He sent telegrams of protest to foreign embassies and the War Ministry about British reinforcements in the area and about British aid to Greek brigand gangs. After a week in Samsun, Mustafa Kemal and his staff moved to Havza, about 85 kilometers inland.
Mustafa Kemal needed national support. The importance of his position, and his status as a hero after the Battle of Gallipoli, gave him some credentials. On the other hand, this was not enough to mobilize anyone yet. While pretending to be occupied with his task of overseeing the disarming of the army, he had to increase his contacts to give more momentum to his movement. He met with Rauf Orbay, Ali Fuat Cebesoy, and Refet Bele on June 21, 1919.
[edit] Admiral Arthur Cathrope
- See also: British against the resistance
The British were alarmed when they learned that the winner of Gallipoli had become an inspector general and his behavior during this period didn't make it any better. After the armistice, the first group of some thirty former members of the CUP January 30 1919 were arrested. Mustafa Kemal's trusted friends were among them. The British had detained these people and exiled. The British believed that they were obstructing the implementation of the armstice. Sultan was warned not to dare to negate these orders. The verdicts of these commanders were later to be assigned, during the famous military trials. Mustafa Kemal was coded as a shadowy existence and a minor thorn. Only a British detachment entered and search for documents in his mother's house.
Britain urged Kemal to be recalled. Thanks to friends and sympathizers in government circles, a 'compromise' was developed whereby the power of the Inspector General was curbed, at least on paper. Inspector General becomes a title that had no power to command. On June 23 High Commissioner Admiral Cathrope, who was a very bright person began to put the pieces together. He sends a report about Mustafa Kemal to the Foreign Office. His remarks were down played by George Kidson of the Eastern Department. Captain Hurst (British army) in Samsun warns Cathrope one more time, but his units were replaced with Brigade of Gurkhas. The movement of British units were a perfect signal for the population of the region that Mustafa Kemal was not talking nonsense. "Association for Defense of National Rights (Müdafaa-i Hukuk Cemiyeti)" which was founded in Trabzon, was followed by a parallel association in Samsun declearing the Black sea region was not safe. There was a plan that looked like that the same activities that happened during the Occupation of Izmir were happening in the region.
Ferit Pasha, the War Minister, ordered the Refet Bele and Mustafa Kemal to step back from the Black sea region. Ferit Pasha was promising British would not take any action against them. The response to Ferit Pasha was that Muslim population was becoming scared and they were moving into a defensive state. Ferit Pasha who could not observe the realities of the region had to resign for the benefit of the Empire. In the response given to Ferit Pasha "The game was coming to an end."
On 2 July in Erzincan, Kemal received a telegram from the sultan himself. The sultan was asking "your initiatives had been inspired by patriotic feeling, but British is very cooperative and everything can be secured from capital". Mustafa Kemal did not want to return Istanbul. Foreign authorities could have better plans than sultan himself. The best course left to him was to take a two months' of leave of absence.
The national movement prompted the British government to take a very important step. A step that brought these parties face to face. If the allies could not control Anatolia, they could at least control the Istanbul. Plan was to step by step to dismantle every organization beginning from Istanbul and move to deep into the Anatolia (British Move). Only problem seen was the Mustafa Kemals national movement. British foreign department was asked to deveise a plan to ease this path. That was the only way that Christians could be safe said the British government. The political side of this decision was solidified under the Treaty of Sèvres. Anatolia was to be westernized under Christian governing. Treaty of Sèvres assigned most of the Anatolia under Christian control. This policy of breaking down the authority by separating Sultan, its government, and putting Christians against the Muslims (for British Intelligence Turkish national movement was registered as Muslim population of Anatolia). Foreign department developed the same plan that they used during the Arab revolt, but this time the resources were chanaled to war lords like Ahmet Anzavur. The details of these covert operations will be correctly summarized under the title Jurisdictional Conflict.
[edit] Representational problem
Ali Riza Pasha send a navy minister Salih Pasha, who had not been in the great war, for the negotiations with the Turkish National Movement. Salih Pasha and Mustafa Kemal had a meeting in Amasya on October 16 1919. Mustafa Kemal brought the representational problems of Ottoman Parliament. Mustafa Kemal wanted to have a protocol signed between Ali Riza Pasha and what will be named as "representative committee" after the Sivas Congress. Ali Riza Pasha with the advice of British rejected any recognition or legitimacy claims by this unconstitutional formation in Anatolia.
In December 1919, as a result of nationalist persuasion and pressure, new elections were held for the Ottoman parliament, which assembled in Constantinople (Istanbul). The Ali Riza Pasha as grand vizier was a chance to national movement. He has to build his own power ground. The last Ottoman parliament had parliamentary system of regions that did not exist anymore. Ali Riza Pasha hoped to build a new a better representative structure. Ottoman Greeks, or a better term Greek millet, with a national force within the Ottoman borders were acting on their own. The Greek members of the parliament were constantly blocking the parliament. It was not only the parliament that was blocked, also the local Greeks boycotted the new elections. Armenian and Greek population was rejecting the allegiance to the Sultan. The Great War ended any chance to form of allegiance to the sultan from his Christian subjects. After a century the Greek and Armenian nationals continue to have the sentiments as a live as it was in 1919 to this part of the history, Ottoman Empire, which they lived with it for centuries, was not their anymore.
The elections were held and a new parliament of the Ottoman State was formed under the boarders of the Armistice of Mudros. However Ali Riza Pasha was too rush in thinking that his parliament can bring legitimacy to him. The house of the parliament was under the had shadow of the British battalion stationed at Istanbul. Any decision has to have both signatures of the Ali Riza Pasha and British army. The freedom of the new government was limited. It did not take too long for the members of parliament to recognize that any kind of integrity can not be defended under this formation. Ali Riza Pasha and his government become the voice of the Triple Entente. The only laws that passed from the parliament were the ones that took actions specifically ordered by British.
[edit] Jurisdictional Conflict (March 1920 - March 1922)
The new government, hoping to undermine the national movement, passed a fatwa (legal opinion) from Şeyhülislam. The fatwa stated that true believers should not go along with the nationalist (rebels) movement. Along with this religious decree, the government sentenced Mustafa Kemal and prominent nationalists to death in absentia. At the same time, the müfti of Ankara, in defense of the nationalist movement, issued a counteracting fatwa declaring that the capital was under the control of the Entente and the Ferit Pasha government. In this text, nationalist movement's goal was stated as freeing the sultan and Caliphate from its enemies.
[edit] British against the resistance
- See also: Ahmet Anzavur
On the night of March 15 British troops began to occupy key buildings and arrest Turkish nationalists. It was a very messy operation. The 10th division and military music school resisted the arrest. At least 10 students died under the gunfire of the British Indian army. The total death toll is unknown even today. Mustafa Kemal was ready for this move. He warned all the nationalist organizations that there would be misleading declarations from the capital. He warned that the only way to stop the British was to organize protests. He said "Today the Turkish nation is called to defend its capacity for civilization, its right to life and independence - its entire future. Mustafa Kemal was extensively familiar with the Arab Revolt and British involvement. He managed to stay one step ahead of the British Foreign Office. His abilities over covert British operations gave Mustafa Kemal a big cridential among the revolutinaries.
On March 18 the Ottoman parliament met. The parliament sent a protest to allies. Remind them that it is unacceptable to arrest five of its members. It was end of the Ottoman Political system. This move have left Sultan as sole controller of the Empire and pushed him to corner with the British. Beginning with March 18 sultan become the puppet of the British foreign department. There would be no one left to blame for what will be coming soon, said the Sultan. Parliament will have one more session in the future, which they will be reading a text edited by Mustafa Kemal.
Mustafa Kemal declared that the only legal government of Turkey was the Representative Committee in Ankara and that all civilian and military officials were to obey Representative Committee rather than the government in the capital. This argument gained very strong support, as by that time the fact of the Ottoman Parliament being fully under the Allied control had been established.
[edit] New parliament
The strong measures taken against the nationalists by the Ottoman government created a distinct new phase. For the first time the nationalists claimed the sole right to rule. However, Mustafa Kemal appealed to the entire Islamic world asking for help against the infidel to make sure that everyone knew he was still fighting in the name of the sultan. He stated he wanted to rescue him from the Allies. Plans were made to organize a new government and parliament in Ankara, and then sultan asked to accept its authority.
A flood of supporters moved to Ankara just ahead of the Allied dragnets. Included among them were Halide Edip, her husband, Adnan Adıvar, İsmet İnönü, Kemal’s most important allies in the Ministry of War, and the last president of the Chamber of Deputies, Celaleddin Arif.
The latter's desertion of the capital was of great significance. A legally elected president of the last representative Ottoman Parliament, he claimed that it had been dissolved illegally, in violation of the Constitution, enabled Kemal to assume full governmental powers for the Ankara regime. On March 1920, he announced that the Turkish nation was establishing its own Parliament in Ankara under the name Grand National Assembly.
Some 100 members of the Ottoman Parliament were able to escape the Allied roundup and joined 190 deputies elected around the country by the national resistance group. On April 23, 1920, the new Assembly gathered for the first time, making Mustafe Kemal its first president and Ismet Inonü, now deputy from Edirne, chief of the General Staff. The new regime’s determination to revolt against the government in the capital and not the Sultan was quickly made evident.
[edit] Breaking the links
Mustafa Kemal expected the Allies neither to accept the Harbord report nor to respect his parliamentary immunity if he went to the Ottoman capital, hence he remained in Anatolia. One thing he did was moving the Representative Committee's capital from Erzurum to Ankara so that he could keep in touch with as many deputies as possible as they traveled to Istanbul to attend the parliament. He also started a newspaper, the Hakimiyet-i Milliye (National Sovereignty), to speak for the movement both in Turkey and the outside world (January 10, 1920).
On January 12, 1920 the last Ottoman Chamber of Deputies met in the capital. First the sultan’s speech was presented and then a telegram from Mustafa Kemal, manifesting the claim that the rightful government of Turkey being in Ankara in the name of the Representative Committee. The British began to sense that something had been flourishing that they did not want. The Ottoman government was not doing what it could to suppress the nationalists. Brits to capture the control of the movement, secured the departments of both the minister of war and the chief of the general staff. Chief of the general staff was Fevzi Çakmak. He was an able and relatively conservative officer who was known as one of the army’s oldest field leaders and who soon was become one of the principal military leaders of the national movement. On January 28 the deputies met secretly. Proposals were made to elect Mustafa Kemal president of the Chamber, but this was deferred in the certain knowledge that the British would prorogue the Chamber before it could do what has been planned all along, namely accept the decleration of the Sivas Congress.
[edit] Organizing an army
The organization of an army was a fight against Ottomans (imperial government), feudal lords (tribes) and minorities. All these sources were in a power struggle for the control of the area. The riots have to be analyzed based on which power supported the activities of riots, such as moving guns and ammunitions to the rioters, giving them sources to finance the activities. This kind of analysis would show us the power disputes among the local landlords were behind the religious rhetoric of these riots. The allies were using very effectively the local power sources against each other, such as they did during the Arab Revolt.
Theatres (east-west-south-black sea) of the war sections explain the conflicts that the "National Army" had engaged. Most of the conflicts of national army extend on the initial resistant groups developed regionally, as explaned under "Localized resistance". Some of these regional groups integrated into the command structure of the national army.
[edit] National militias
- For more details on this topic, see Revolts (Turkish War of Independence).
The initial year of the resistance was performed mainly distributed sources. It was a peoples war against what they perceived as an occupation force. However, Sultan was right in his conclusion that these patriotic movements are useless, which would and up with destruction of whatever left. Allies can not be defeated in long term without an organized army. The accomplishments of Nationalist Militias would be temporary. Mustafa Kemal had to persuade Nationalist Militias to form a single command structure, which can be a tool to move into peace negotiation stage by allies.
[edit] Ahmet Anzavur
- For more details on this topic, see Revolt of Ahmet Aznavur.
Anatolia had many forces. British battalions, Ahmet Aznavur forces, Sultans army Kuva-i Inzibatiye (Disciplinary forces) and so on. However behind the curtains these sources were acting coordinated against the nationalistic forces.
The British, who were looking skeptical to all these movements, decided to use irregular power to counter act the nationalist movement, which was mainly an partisan movement at that time. These nationalist forces were distributed around the Turkey, so many small counter forces were dispatched. In Izmit there were two battilions of the British army. Their commanders were living inside the Ottoman warship Yavuz. Foreign office and these units decided to clean up the nationalistic detachments under the command of Ali Fuat Cebesoy and Refet Bele. Sultan gave 4,000 soldiers from Kuva-i Inzibatiye, using the allies money another army was collected, about 2000 strong force from non-Muslim inhabitants which initially deployed in Nicea. All these forces were united under a British battalion.
All these forces and Anzavurs forces faced with these detachments on June 14, 1920. Ahmet Aznavur and his forces, with the help of British army, was the largest opposing force of all. Under heavy attack some of the Kuva-i Inzibatiye left their position and joined to national forces. This gave a weak point. Rest of these forces withdrew behind the British lines which seem to be the only holding entity in this formation.
The clash outside Izmit brought serious consequences. The British forces opened fire on the nationalists and bombed them from the air. This bombing forced a retreat but there was a panic in Istanbul. The British commander General George Milne, asked for reinforcements. This initiated a chain reaction to determine how much power is required to handle national movement. Marshal Ferdinand Foch signs the final report with summation to twenty seven divisions. British army did not have twenty seven divisions and not willing to channel these forces while they were claiming WWI was ended with their victory. Deployment this size could have political consequences that are beyond British government to handle.
British quick to accept the fact that nationalistic movement can not be faced without deployment of consistent and well trained forces. On June 25 the forces originated from Kuva-i Inzibatiye were dismantled with British advice. They said there is no use of them. British recognized that only real option to face with nationalistic forces which had hardened during the WWI was to use consistent and well trained army, such as Greeks.
[edit] Transition
Before the Amasya Agreement, Mustafa Kemal met with a Bolshevik delegation headed by Colonel Semyon Budyonny. Bolsheviks wanted to annex the parts of the Caucasus, including Democratic Republic of Armenia, which were formally part of Czarist Russia. They also saw a Turkish Republic could be a buffer, especially if it turned to be a communist state. Kemal's official response was "Such questions had to be postponed until Turkish independence was achieved." Having this support was important for the national movement.
The first thing the Turks had to do, having almost no domestic arms industry, was secure arms from abroad. They obtained these primarily from the Soviet Union, but also Italy and France. These arms, especially the Soviet weapons, allowed the Turks to organize an effective army. The Kemalist Turks enjoyed significant Soviet support, as both countries collaborated to destroy the fledgling Armenian Republic. A telegraph sent on August 4th Turkey's representative in Moscow, Riza Nur, sent a telegram saying that soon 60 Krupp artillery pieces, 30,000 shells, 700,000 grenades, 10,000 mines, 60,000 Romanian swords, 1.5 million captured Ottoman rifles from WWI, 1 million Russian rifles, 1 million Manlicher rifles, as well as some more modern Martini-Henry rifles, 25,000 bayonets. [1]
The Turks also received significant arms from Italy and France, who threw in their lot with the Kemalist against Greece which was seen as a British client. The Italians used their base in Antalya to arm and train Turkish troops to assist the Kemalists against the Greeks. [2]
[edit] East
- For more details on this topic, see Democratic Republic of Armenia.
Before the Armistice of Mudros the border between Democratic Republic of Armenia was defined with Brest-Litovsk and Treaty of Batum, after the Bolshevik revolution during 1918. With the end of the World War I, it was obvious that the eastern border was not going to stay as it had been. There were talks going on with the Armenian Diaspora and Entente on reshaping the border. The Fourteen Points was seen as an incentive to Democratic Republic of Armenia, if Armenians could prove that they were the majority of the population and that they had military control over the eastern regions. The Armenian movements on the borders were being used as an argument to redraw the border between Ottoman Empire and Armenian Republic. Woodrow Wilson agreed to transfer the territories back to the Democratic Republic of Armenia as given the ideas that they are dominantly controlled by Armenians. The results of these talks were to be reflected on the Treaty of Sèvres that was signed by Ottoman Empire.
One of the most important fights had taken place on this border. The very early onset of national army was the proof of this, even though there was a pressing Greek danger on the west. There was also a movement of Armenians from southeast with the French support, as the French created an Armenian army to support their claims to Cilicia. The general idea at that time was to integrate Armenian Republic to the French supported southeast Armenian movement. This way Armenian Republic could gain much sought resources to balance the Bolshevik expansionist movements.
The stage of the east campaign is developed through two reports (May 30 to June 4, 1920) outlining the situation in the region by Kâzım Karabekir Pasha. He was detailing the activities of the Armenian Republic and advising on how to shape the sources at the eastern borders, especially in Erzurum.
Before the stage was set by Kazım Karabekir Pasha on the east border, Russian government sent a message to settle not only the Democratic Republic of Armenia but also Iranian border through diplomacy under Russian control. The Soviet support was absolutely vital for the Turkish nationalist movement, as Turkey was underdeveloped and had no domestic armaments industry. Bakir Sami Bey was assigned for the talks. Bolsheviks demanded Van and Bitlis to Armenia. This was unacceptable to the Turkish revolutionaries. Revolutionaries were also faced with another dilemma, their hesitation to move forces to prevent the Armenian raids was causing a growing unsettlement among the Turks. The Greek threat and diplomatic connections needed to be balanced.
[edit] Active stage
Before more diplomatic exchanges took place, to show a sign of power on the discussion table, Armenia moved its forces to Oltu. This killed the discussions with Russian government and in a couple of days the Treaty of Sèvres was signed by Ottoman Empire. This was followed by occupation of Artvin by Georgian forces on 25 July.
- For more details on this topic, see Turkish-Armenian War.
[edit] Resolution
The arms left by the defeated Armenian forces were sent to the west to develop the resistance to the Greeks.
The results of Armenian activities reflected on the Treaty of Sèvres. But as this treaty had never gained effect and the Ottoman Empire was dissolved through activitivities of Turkish National Movement, Armenian efforts in this region was unfulfilled.
Turkish movement against the Armenian forces were coordinated with Bolsheviks. Bolsheviks conquered Azerbaijan while the Armenians were fighting with revolutionnaries. It is only after the peace agreement was reached (Treaty of Alexandropol) that they moved into Yerevan. Armenian Republic was not eliminated by the Turkish revolutionaries, whom Armenians could no longer threaten after being defeated. It is also possible to claim that had Armenian Republic been content with the boundaries as of 1919, she could have shown more resistance to the Bolshevik conquest, both internally and externally.
Soon after the Bolsheviks and nationalists signed another agreement March 16, 1921, Treaty of Kars. Nationalists agreed to cede Nachicevan and Batum. In response they received support and gold. For the promised resources nationalist had to wait until the Battle of Sakarya.
- For more details on this topic, see Treaty of Kars.
[edit] West
The war arose because the western Allies, particularly British Prime Minister David Lloyd George, had promised Greece territorial gains at the expense of the Ottoman Empire if Greece entered the war on the Allied side. These included Eastern Thrace, the islands of Gökçeada (Imbros) and Bozcaada (Tenedos), and parts of Western Anatolia around the city of İzmir (Smyrna). Greece wanted to occupy Constantinople, the historical capital of the Byzantine Empire, to achieve the Megali Idea, but Entente powers did not give permission.
It was decided by Triple Entante that Greece would occupy a zone around İzmir (Smyrna) and Ayvalık in western Asia Minor. The reason for these landings were prior Italian landing on the southern coast of Turkey, including in the city of Antalya. The Allies worried about further Italian expansion and saw Greek landings as a way to avoid this.
[edit] Active stage
The fight against Greeks began much earlier than any other front. On May 28, Greeks landed on Ayvalik. It was no surprise that this small town was chosen as this town was the Greek speaking strong hold. The problem with this move was Greeks did not consider what happened beginning with Balkan Wars. They pushed out the Turkish inhabitants with their extending boarders. A big migrated population (mainly from Crete) was settled in this area. Under an old Ottoman Lieutenant Colonel Ali Çetinkaya, these people formed a unit. They were very determined to fight against what they consider invading army as there was no other place that they can be pushed. Greeks troops were first meet with these irregulars. Later, these units would join to the ranks of organized army. What Greeks called as harassment was initiated with these irregulars. Mustafa Kemal asked Rauf Orbay if he can help to build a communication among Ali Çetinkaya Resit, Tevif and Ethem. Resit, Tevif and Ethem were Circassian origins who were expelled from their ancestral lands in the Caucasus by the Russians and Armenians. They were settled around the Aegean cost. Rauf Orbay, an Circassian origin, managed to link these two population. He asked them to cut the logistic support lines. The eagean cost was beginning to have a peoples war.
Allied decision to let Greek landing in Izmir was changing the sentiments. Venizelos wanted to create a homogeneous Greek settlement to be able to annex it to Greece. In the secret plans with allies, it was decided that after five years there would be a democratic plebiscite, to see whether the Izmir (Smyrna)-zone would join Greece or Ottoman Empire. Venizelos had to be quick to shift the balance toward the Greek population. Greek national army, with intention of generating a Greek soil, had to push the Muslim population. Thousands from the region fled to interior. As Muslims moved back, they loost their elderly, sick, and with the news that their property was destroyed to enable Greek settlements in the region changed the sentiments. These activities gave examples to Mustafa Kemal in explaining the allied occupation, and its intentions.
- For more details on this topic, see Greco-Turkish War (1919-1922).
[edit] Resolution
With the borders secured with treaties and agreements at east and south, Kemal was now in a commanding position. The Nationals were then able to insist that unconditionally, the Greeks evacuate east Thrace, Imbros and Tenedos as well as Asia Minor, and the Meriç River to be set as the border at Thrace at its pre-1914 position.
Greeks call this the "Asia Minor Disaster" or more commonly the "Meghali Katastrophi" which means "Great Catastrophe."
France, Italy and Britain called Mustafa Kemal to Venice for cease-fire negotiations. In return, Mustafa Kemal demanded negotiations be started at Mudanya. Negotiations at Mudanya began on October 3, and it was concluded with the Mudanya Armistice.
[edit] South
- For more details on this topic, see French Mandate of Syria.
French wanted to settle in Syria. With a pressure against French, Cilicia would be easily left to nationalist. The Taurus Mountains were critical for Mustafa Kemal. French soldiers were foreign to the region and they were using Armenian militia to acquire their intelligence. Turkish nationals had been in cooperation with Arab tribes in this area. Within time Mustaf Kemal said "French army will leave the region". If compared to Greek threat, they were the second for Musrafa Kemal. He proposed that if the Greek threat could be disseminated, French would not resist. His insights all come through.
[edit] Active Stage
- For more details on this topic, see Franco-Turkish War.
[edit] Resolution
The resistance of the national forces was a big surprise to France. They blamed the British forces which did not curb the resistance power of the local sources. The strategic goal of opening a front at the south by moving Armenians against the Turkish National forces was a failure after the defeat of the Greek-British forces on the west. Use of armed local Armenians in the region against the Turkish National forces turned out to be a failure. Most of the Armenians in this region had to migrate alongside the French army. Even though most of the fight was organized alongside the Armenian sources, the loss of French soldiers did generate a large disapproval in France, which tried to mend the results of the continental wars. France asked 1,500,000 gold coins from the Turkish National Government (Mustafa Kemal) for their loss, which was clearly denied.
[edit] Stage for Peace (March 1922- April 1923)
The first communication between nationals and the Entente build when the first time Entente began to see the need to make some kind of arrangement with the Turkish nationalists.
[edit] Conference of London
To salvage the Treaty of Sèvres Triple Entente forced the Turkish Revolutionaries to agree with the Istanbul government through a series of conferances, which were failures.
The Conference of London gave allies an opportunity to reverse their policies. In October, they received a report by Admiral Mark Lambert Bristol, set up to enquire into the bloodshed which followed the Megali Idea of Greeks. The commssion reported that Greeks should not be the only occupation force in this area, if annexation will not fallow. Admiral Bristol was not so sure how to explain this annexation to Woodrow Wilson as he would insist on 'respect for nationalities' in Fourteen Points. He was sure that such an act has the potential to become a genocide of Turks, or Muslims, in the region. He believed that the sentiments of the Turks 'will never accept this annexation'. The allies did not change their plan. February 12 they decided to annex Eagean cost to Greeks. David Lloyd George acted with his sentiments that were developed during Battle of Gallipoli, as his officer on the ground General Milne advised the opposite. Conference of London was a failure.
- For more details on this topic, see Conference of London.
[edit] Armistice of Mudanya
The Marmara sea resort town of Mudanya host the conference to arrange the armistice on October 3, 1922. Ismet Inonü, commander of the western armies was in front of Allies. The scene was unlike Mondros as the British and the Greeks were on the defense. Greeks were represented by the Allies.
The British still expected Ankara, Grand National Assembly, to make concessions. From the first speech, Brits were startled as Ankara demanded fulfillment of the National Pact. During the conference the British troops in Constantinople were preparing for a Kemalist attack. There was never any fighting in Thrace, as Greek units withdrew before the Turks crossed the straits, remaining in Asia Minor. The Greeks were willing to give up Eastern Thrace[citation needed] as its population was mostly Turks, Christian Bulgarians and Pomaks, and its only use served as a corridor to Constantinople, and it was now clear that the city would remain in Turkish hands. The only concession that Ismet made to the British was an agreement that his troops would not advance any farther toward the Dardanelles, which gave a safe haven for the British troops as long as the conference continued. The conference dragged on far beyond the original expectations. In the end it was the British who had to yield, with the Ankara's advances.
The Armistice of Mudanya was signed on October 11. By its terms the Greek army would move west of the Maritsa, clearing the Thrace to the Allies. This was a method that started an end to hostilities. The famous American author Ernest Hemingway was in Thrace at the time, and he covered the retreat of the time. He has several short stories written about Thrace and Smyrna, which appear in his book In Our Time. The agreement came into force starting October 15. Allied forces would stay in Thrace for a month to assure law and order. In return Ankara would recognize continued British occupation of the Straits zones until the final treaty was signed. This arrangement included also Constantinople, which thus would have to wait a little while longer to be seized by Turkish forces.
- For more details on this topic, see Armistice of Mudanya.
Refet Bele was assigned to recovery of Thrace from Allies. He was the first representative to reach the old capital. The British did not allow the hundred gendarmes who came with him. That resistance lasted till the next day.
[edit] Conference and Treaty of Lausanne
- For more details on this topic, see Treaty of Lausanne.
[edit] Establishment of the Republic
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[edit] See also
- Aftermath of World War I
- Chronology of the Turkish War of Independence
- Turkish-Armenian War
- Treaty of Kars
- Great Fire of Smyrna
- Chanak Affair
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