Politics of Mexico

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Mexico
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Politics of Mexico takes place in a framework of a federal presidential representative democratic republic, whereby the President of Mexico is both head of state and head of government, and of a pluriform multi-party system. Executive power is exercised by the government. Legislative power is vested in both the government and the two chambers of the Congress of the Union. The Judiciary is independent of the executive and the legislature.

The 1917 Constitution of Mexico provides for a federal republic with powers separated into independent executive, legislative, and judicial branches. Historically, the executive is the dominant branch, with power vested in the president, who promulgates and executes the laws of the Congress. Congress has played an increasingly important role since 1997 when opposition parties first formed a majority in the legislature.

1 Executive branch
2 Legislative branch
3 Judicial branch
4 Political parties and elections
5 Political background
6 Administrative divisions
7 Immigration
8 External links

[edit] Executive branch

See main article Federal government of the United Mexican States

Felipe Calderón is the current president of Mexico.

The president is both the head of state and head of government, as well as the commander-in-chief of the military. The president is elected directly from eligible votes and serves for six years, called a sexenio. The president is elected by direct popular vote every six years without possibility of reelection. Upon election, presidents acquire expansive authority because they also control the selection of officials in their party for political offices. Within the executive branch itself, the President has broad constitutional powers to manage national affairs and the workings of the federal government, and may issue executive orders to effect internal policies. He can declare war on other countries, but to do so, he needs the authorization of Congress. The executive branch also consists of various departments including departments for agriculture, education, and tourism.

If the presidential office falls vacant during the first two years of a sexenio, the congress designates an interim president, who, in turn, must call a special presidential election to complete the term. If the vacancy occurs during the latter four years of a sexenio, the congress designates a provisional president for the remainder of the term.

[edit] Legislative branch

Article 50 of the Constitution grants all legislative powers of the federal government to the Congress of the Union (Congreso de la Unión). The Congress has two chambers. The Chamber of Deputies (Cámara de Diputados) has 500 members, elected for a three year term, 300 of whom are elected in single-seat constituencies by plurality, with the remaining 200 members elected by proportional representation in 5 multi-state, 40-seat constituencies. The 200 PR-seats are distributed generally without taking account the 300 plurality-seats (Parallel voting), but since 1996 a party cannot get more seats overall than 8 % above its result for the PR-seats (a party must win 42% of the votes for the PR-seats to achieve an overall majority). There are two exceptions on this rule: first, a party can only lose PR-seats due to this rule (and no plurality-seats); second, a party can never get more than 300 seats overall (even if it has more than 52% of the votes for the PR-seats).

The Chamber of Senators (Cámara de Senadores) has 128 members, elected for a six-year term, 96 of them in three-seat constituencies (corresponding to the nation's 31 states and one Federal District) and 32 by proportional representation on a nationwide basis. In the state constituencies, two seats are awarded to the plurality winner and one to the first runner-up.

The powers of the congress include the right to pass laws, impose taxes, declare war, approve the national budget, approve or reject treaties and conventions made with foreign countries, and ratify diplomatic appointments. The Senate addresses all matters concerning foreign policy, approves international agreements, and confirms presidential appointments. The Chamber of Deputies, much like the United States House of Representatives, addresses all matters pertaining to the government's budget and public expenditures.

[edit] Judicial branch

Article 94 of the Constitution provides that the judicial power of the United , each with five justices. These are the Penal Affairs Chamber, Administrative Affairs Chamber, Civil Affairs Chamber, and Labor Affairs Chamber. A fifth chamber, the Auxiliary Chamber, is responsible for the overload of the four regular chambers. Court rulings of both the whole, or plenary, court and the separate chambers are decided on the basis of majority opinion. Rulings by the separate chambers may be overturned by the full court. In practice, the justices, along with the entire federal judiciary, traditionally submit their resignations at the beginning of each sexenio.

The most powerful juridical instrument is the writ of amparo, which can be invoked against acts by any government official, including the president. Unlike the United States system, where courts may rule on basic constitutional matters, the Mexican Supreme Court of Justice is prohibited by the constitution from applying its rulings beyond any individual case. Within this restricted sphere, the Supreme Court of Justice generally displays greater independence in relation to the president than does the legislature, often deciding against the executive in amparo cases.

[edit] Political parties and elections

The following election results include names of political parties. See for additional information about parties the List of political parties in Mexico. An overview on elections and election results is included in Elections in Mexico.

[discuss] – [edit]
**Summary of the official Results of the 2 July 2006 Mexican Presidential Election (district count)**
Candidates - Parties	Votes	%
Felipe Calderón - National Action Party	15,000,284	35.89
Andrés Manuel López Obrador - Coalition for the Good of All (PRD, PT, Convergence)	14,756,350	35.31
Roberto Madrazo - Alliance for Mexico (PRI, PVEM)	9,301,441	22.26
Patricia Mercado Castro - Social Democratic and Peasant Alternative Party	1,128,850	2.70
Roberto Campa Cifrián - New Alliance Party	401,804	0.96
Write-In	297,989	0.71
Blank/Invalid	904,604	2.16
Total (turnout 58.90%)	41,791,322	100.00
Source: Instituto Federal Electoral [1]

[discuss] – [edit]
**Summary of the 2 July 2006 Chamber of Deputies of Mexico election results**
Alliances and parties			Votes	%	FPP Seats	PR Seats	Total
	National Action Party (Partido Acción Nacional)		13,876,499	33.41	137	69	206
	Coalition for the Good of All (Coalición por el Bien de Todos)	Party of the Democratic Revolution (Partido de la Revolución Democrática)	12,040,698	28.99	100	60	160
		Labour Party (Partido del Trabajo)
		Convergence (Convergencia)
	Alliance for Mexico (Alianza por México)	Institutional Revolutionary Party (Partido Revolucionario Institucional)	11,704,639	28.18	63	58	121
	Alliance for Mexico (Alianza por México)	Ecologist Green Party of Mexico (Partido Verde Ecologista de México)	11,704,639	28.18	63	58	121
	New Alliance Party (Partido Nueva Alianza)		1,887,667	4.55	0	9	9
	Social Democratic and Peasant Alternative Party (Partido Alternativa Socialdemócrata y Campesina)		852,849	2.05	0	4	4
Total			41,531,750	100.00	300	200	500
Source: IFE

[discuss] – [edit]
**Summary of the 2 July 2006 Senate of Mexico election results**
Alliances and parties			Votes	%	FPP Seats	SPP Seats	PR Seats	Total
	National Action Party (Partido Acción Nacional)		14,043,213	33.63	32	9	11	52
	Coalition for the Good of All (Coalición por el Bien de Todos)	Party of the Democratic Revolution (Partido de la Revolución Democrática)	12,403,241	29.70	22	4	10	36
		Labor Party (Partido del Trabajo)
		Convergence (Convergencia)
	Alliance for Mexico (Alianza por México)	Institutional Revolutionary Party (Partido Revolucionario Institucional)	11,689,110	27.99	10	19	10	39
	Alliance for Mexico (Alianza por México)	Ecologist Green Party of Mexico (Partido Verde Ecologista de México)	11,689,110	27.99	10	19	10	39
	New Alliance Party (Partido Nueva Alianza)		1,689,099	4.04	0	0	1	1
	Social Democratic and Peasant Alternative Party (Partido Alternativa Socialdemócrata y Campesina)		796,102	1.91	0	0	0	0
Total			40,740,318	100.00	64	32	32	128
Source: IFE

[edit] Political background

On July 2, 2000, Vicente Fox Quesada of the opposition "Alliance for Change" coalition, headed by the National Action Party (PAN), was elected president, in what are considered to have been the freest and fairest elections in Mexico's history. Fox began his six-year term on December 1, 2000. His victory ended the Institutional Revolutionary Party's (PRI) 71-year hold on the presidency.

The Mexican Congress is a plural institution that is playing an increasingly important role in Mexico's democratic transition. No single party holds an absolute majority in either house of Congress.

In November 2006, the Mexican government admitted three consecutive PRI administrations had committed "crimes against humanity" including the murder and torture of hundreds of university students and others. The abuses outlined in the 859-page "Historical Report to the Mexican Society" took place during the administrations of Gustavo Diaz Ordaz (1964 to 1970), Juan Echeverria and Jose Lopez Portillo (1976 to 1982). Although Echeverria is alive, efforts to try him in connction with the crimes have failed.

[edit] Recent elections

The presidential election held in 1988 marked a watershed in Mexican politics, as it was the first serious contest since Mexican Revolution. Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas, a defector from the ruling Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) and a son of former President Lazaro Cardenas, was nominated by a broad coalition of leftist parties. He officially received 31.1 percent of the vote, against 50.4 percent for Carlos Salinas de Gortari, the PRI candidate, and 17 percent for Manuel Clouthier of the National Action Party (PAN). Rumours then and since have persisted that Cardenas in fact won the election, but that the government-controlled electoral commission falsified the results. In the concurrent elections to the Congress of the Union, the PRI came within 11 seats of losing control of the 500-member Chamber of Deputies, and opposition parties captured 4 of the 64 Senate seats - the first time that the PRI had failed to hold the Senate unanimously.

The trend continued into 1989, when the PAN defeated the PRI candidate for the governorship of the state of Baja California. Capitalizing on the popularity of President Salinas, however, the PRI rebounded in the mid-term congressional elections of 1991, wining 320 seats.

The presidential election of 1994 was judged to be the first relatively free election in modern Mexican history. Ernesto Zedillo of the PRI won with 50.2 percent of the vote, against 26.7 percent for Diego Fernández de Cevallos of PAN and 17.1 percent for Cardenas, who this time represented the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD). Although the opposition campaign was hurt by the desire of the Mexican electorate for stability, following the assassination of Luis Donaldo Colosio, the intended PRI candidate, and the recent outbreak of hostilities in the state of Chiapas, Zedillo's share of the vote was the lowest official percentage for any PRI presidential candidate up to that time.

Numerous electoral reforms implemented after 1989 aided in the opening of the Mexican political system, and opposition parties made historic gains in elections at all levels. Many of the current electoral concerns have shifted from outright fraud to campaign fairness issues. During 1995-96 the political parties negotiated constitutional amendments to address these issues. Implementing legislation included major points of consensus that had been worked out with the opposition parties. The thrust of the new laws has public financing predominate over private contributions to political parties, tightens procedures for auditing the political parties, and strengthens the authority and independence of electoral institutions. The court system also was given greatly expanded authority to hear civil rights cases on electoral matters brought by individuals or groups. In short, the extensive reform efforts have "leveled the playing field" for the parties.

The mid-term congressional elections held in 1997 marked another watershed, with the PRI losing control of the Chamber of Deputies, though it remained the largest single party.

The July 2, 2000, elections marked the first time since the 1910-17 Mexican Revolution that the opposition defeated the party in government. Vicente Fox won the election with 43% of the vote, followed by PRI candidate Francisco Labastida with 36%, and Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas of the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD) with 17%.

Despite some isolated incidents of irregularities and problems, there was no evidence of systematic attempts to manipulate the elections or their results, and critics concluded that the irregularities that occurred did not alter the outcome of the presidential vote. Civic organizations fielded more than 80,000 trained electoral observers, foreigners were invited to witness the process, and numerous independent "quick count" operations and exit polls validated the official vote tabulation.

In the Chamber of Deputies, 209 seats were won by the PRI, 207 by the PAN, 52 by the PRD, 16 by the Green Party, and the remaining 16 by four smaller parties and two independents. In the 128-seat Senate, the PRI still held the most seats at 60, with the PAN holding 46, the PRD 15, the Greens 5, and two smaller parties one seat each. Senators serve 6 years in office and Deputies 3 years; neither can be elected to consecutive terms.

Although the PRI no longer controlled the Presidency, it remained a significant force in Mexican politics. In general, in state, congressional, and mayoral contests after July 2000, the PRI fared better than the PAN. In the 2003 midterm elections, the PRI was practically wiped off the map in the Federal District – only one borough mayor (jefe delegacional) out of 16, and no first-past-the-post members of the city assembly – but it was able to recoup some significant losses in the provinces (most notably, the governorship of PAN-stronghold Nuevo León). It also remained the largest single party in both chambers of Congress.

The 2003 midterm elections also signaled a defeat for Fox and the PAN. Fox had pledged to bring Democracy and led the way towards prosperity, but the polls showed a lack of support. The PAN lost 49 seats in the Chamber of Deputies, with the PRI coming close to reclaiming a majority, with 224 seats out of 500. Perhaps more significantly, the fact that 59% percent of the electorate chose not to bother to cast their votes in the mid-terms indicated a growing disenchantment with what some believe is business-as-usual in Mexican politics.

The 2006 elections saw the PRI fall to third place behind both the PAN and the PRD. Roberto Madrazo, the presidential candidate, polled only 22.3 percent of the vote, and the party ended up with only 121 seats in the Chamber of Deputies, a loss of more than half, and 38 Senate seats, a loss of 22.

[edit] Other reforms

Constitutional and legal changes have been adopted in recent years to improve the performance and accountability of the Supreme Court and the Office of the Attorney General and the administration of federal courts. The Supreme Court, relieved of administrative duties for lower courts, was given responsibilities for judicial review of certain categories of law and legislation. A variety of laws also was passed in 1995-96 to help control organized crime.

[edit] Armed Groups

[edit] Chiapas

The factual accuracy of this section is disputed.
Please see the relevant discussion on the talk page

An unresolved sociopolitical conflict still exists in the southernmost state of Chiapas. In January 1994, Zapatistas in the state of Chiapas briefly took arms against the government, protesting alleged oppression and governmental indifference to poverty. After 12 days of fighting, a cease-fire was negotiated that remains in effect. Since 1994 sporadic clashes have continued to occur between armed civilian groups, usually over disputed land claims.

As a presidential candidate, Fox promised to renew dialogue with the EZLN and address unresolved problems in the state. Following his inauguration, he ordered many troops out of Chiapas, dismantled roadblocks, closed military bases, and submitted revised peace accords to Congress. Nonetheless, Chiapas has the largest military presence of any other state of the country. In August 2001, the peace accords became Mexican law, after having been passed by Congress and ratified by more than half of the state legislatures.

The Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN, from the Spanish), however, has not accepted the laws passed, claiming they fail to address certain points. Subcommandante Marcos, once spokesperson for the EZLN has proclaimed that he will oppose any form of government that comes out from the presidential elections in the 2006.

Marcos has openly opposed the Mexican governmental system by marching against the electoral system the day of the elections (July 2, 2006), and promotes the ideals of "indigenous autonomy".

The dialog with the government commissionary has ceased, and no official contacts between the EZLN and the Government have occurred to date (early 2005). Nowdays, the Chiapas situation tends to be far from the spotlight.

Numerous legal challenges to the accords have been filed, and the Fox Administration has on more than one occasion suggested that modifications may be necessary.

[edit] Oaxaca

There are currently two armed groups in the state of Oaxaca which are cooperating in threatening to resort to violence against both the Mexican Army and police.

These groups are:

Revolutionary Democratic Tendency - Army of the People (Tendencia Democrática Revolucionaria-Ejército del Pueblo) (TDR-EP)
Lucio Cabanas Barrientos Revolutionary Movement (Movimiento Revolucionario Lucio Cabañas Barrientos) (MRLCB)

Both of these are originally splinter groups of the People's Revolutionary Army (Ejército Popular Revolucionario) (EPR). Neither is considered to have any conventional military capacity, and any use of violence would presumably involve hit-and-run attacks against "soft" targets. It is unclear whether either group would have adequate popular support or military competence to carry out a sustained armed campaign against federal security forces.