Milo Đukanović
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| Milo Đukanović | |
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| In office 15 February 1991 - 5 February 1998 8 January 2003 – 10 November 2006 |
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| Preceded by | Radoje Kontić (President of the Executive Council of SR Montenegro) (1st term) Filip Vujanović (2nd term) |
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| Succeeded by | Filip Vujanović (1st term) Željko Šturanović (2nd term) |
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| In office 15 January 1998 – 25 November 2002 |
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| Preceded by | Momir Bulatović |
| Succeeded by | Filip Vujanović |
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| Born | 15 February 1962 Nikšić, People's Republic of Montenegro, Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia |
| Political party | Democratic Party of Socialists |
| Spouse | Lidija Đukanović |
Milo Đukanović listen (Serbian/Montenegrin Cyrillic: Мило Ђукановић) (born 15 February 1962 in Nikšić, Montenegro, Yugoslavia) is a former Prime Minister of the Republic of Montenegro. He served in that role from 8 January 2003 until 10 November 2006. He had previously served as the Prime Minister of Montenegro between 1991 and 1998, and as president of Montenegro from 1998 to 2002.
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[edit] Early life
Born to a family which can now be rocognized being upper-middle class, (his father Radovan, a judge and his mother Stana a nurse), Đukanović grew up with two siblings - younger brother Aco and older sister Ana. He completed primary and secondary school in his home town of Nikšić, before enrolling in Titograd's Faculty of Economics where he graduated in 1986, obtaining a diploma in tourism studies. As a youngster, Ðukanović, standing well over 190cm in height, was a keen basketball player.
[edit] Political career
[edit] Early days in politics
In 1979 while still in high school, Đukanović joined the Yugoslav Communist League. As a member of the party's various youth bodies he quickly stood out from the pack, earning a nickname Britva ('Straight razor') for his direct, fiery and forceful rhetoric. Progressing steadily up the party ladder, by mid-1989 following the "anti-bureaucratic revolution", Đukanović became a member of the League's highest decision making body - Central Committee.
[edit] Ascent to power in Montenegro
Actively tagging along with somewhat more seasoned Communist League members like Momir Bulatović and Svetozar Marović, Đukanović was still only 26 years old when the trio effectively gained power in Montenegro on 10 January 1989. They forced out the old Montenegrin communist guard by riding the wave of the so-called "anti-bureaucratic revolution", an administrative putsch within the Communists League orchestrated by Slobodan Milošević and the state security apparatus.
Within days in January 1989, they did away with Miljan Radović (chairman of the League of Communists of Montenegro) and Božina Ivanović (president of Presidency of SR Montenegro), replacing them with politically obedient confidants Milica Pejanović-Đurišić and Branko Kostić, respectively. President of Executive Council of Montenegro Vuko Vukadinović initially survived the putsch, but within months he was on his way out as well to be replaced with Radoje Kontić.
Đukanović, Bulatović, and Marović galvanized public opinion within the republic by organizing workers and bussing them to the capital Titograd (since then changed back to Podgorica) to protest in front of the Assembly. Although many have since made allegations about the shady role security apparatus played in this forced transfer of power (Slavko Perović among many others[1]), it is undeniable that the trio capitalized on the "young, good-looking, and smart" image (mladi, lijepi i pametni), which resonated with certain people.
Within a year, the single-party system was abolished and the trio repackaged the Montenegrin branch of the League of Communists into the Democratic Party of Socialists of Montenegro (DPS).
[edit] Prime Minister of Montenegro 1991-1998
On the 15th February, 1991, Đukanović became the Montenegrin Prime Minister for the first time, with the blessings of then Serbian president Slobodan Milošević. At this time Đukanović was the youngest prime minister in Europe.
From 1991 until 1997 he aligned himself with Slobodan Milošević's policies. Montenegro’s wide roundup of Muslim refugees from Bosnia and their subsequent handover to forces of Bosnian Serbs happened while Đukanović was Prime Minister.
Đukanović frequently visited scores of reservists and volunteers from Montenegro that fought in Konavle and Dubrovnik frontlines in 1991. Some of his notable statements from this period include a proclamation about "starting to hate chess because of the šahovnica (the chequerboard Croatian coat-of-arms)" and an aggressive declaration delivered in a public speech during assault on Dubrovnik that "it's time to once and for all establish the firmest border possible with Croatia, but it will be a border a lot more just and realistic than the existing one that was drawn-up by Bolshevik map makers"[2].
In 1992 Milo had a political clash with the pro-Croatian Montenegrin artist & activist, Jevrem Brković, which resulted in Jevrem's exile to Croatia (until 1998). On this occasion Milo states: Every smart Montenegrin and every honest man in this mentions the name of the traitor Jevrem Brković with hatred, who in pure vanity betrayed his people and knows spreads anti-Yugoslav speeches across Zagreb, while the Ustašas, again like in the year of 1941, bleed the defenseless Serbian civilians (referring to ethnic cleansing of Serbs in Croatia).
Though a Marxist in his youth, Đukanović was reported to be "the kind of politician who has a picture of Margaret Thatcher above his desk". He was looked on favorably by foreign investors. In the 1990s he swiftly forced all socially owned (worker owned) companies into state ownership where they were sold to private foreign interests. (Blishen. Central European. May 1996.Vol.6,Iss.5)
In 1996, he began to fall out with Milošević, publicly blasting him in an interview for the Belgrade weekly Vreme. At that time Milošević was facing harsh criticism in Serbia with student protests in the Winter of 1996/1997. This was in stark contrast to the stance of Momir Bulatović who in addition to being the President of Montenenegro also then headed the pro-Milošević Democratic Party of Socialists.
[edit] President of Montenegro 1998-2002
Soon, Bulatović's protégé would wrest control of both the party and the republic from his mentor.
First, Đukanović won a narrow majority support within the DPS party, a political leverage he then quickly used to cleanse it of all pro-Bulatović elements while simultaneously taking over state-controlled media and security apparatus with the help of his DPS ally Vukašin Maraš.
Then, in July of 1997, Đukanović contested Bulatović for the position of president of Montenegro. In the first round of elections, Đukanović lagged by roughly 2000 votes behind Bulatović (a staunch ally of Slobodan Milošević).
Three of the other candidates, who received 11,000 votes, gave support to Bulatović for the second round run-off. However, in the October 1997 second round vote seen as the most significant electoral victory in Montenegro's history by Đukanović's supporters, Đukanović won the elections by a margin of five thousand, after assembling 29,000 more votes than in the first round. Bulatović's fraction disputed the regularity of this second round, and refused to recognize the results, organizing violent protests in Podgorica in January 1998. However, the results stood, and Đukanović sworn in as president of Montenegro on January 15, 1998.
This victory cemented Đukanović's powerful position in Montenegro. Bulatović, his one-time mentor, was completely squeezed out and now all institutions of power (DPS party, government, parliament and President's office) were firmly in the hands of Đukanović and his handpicked circle of associates.
Already distant from Milošević and his regime, Đukanović took this policy further, although assuring everyone that he saw the future of Montenegro in the same country with Serbia. He very much tried to project an impression that whatever problems Montenegro had with its participation in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia had only to do with the authoritarian Milošević regime and not with Serbian democratic forces or the people of Serbia. He said on 27 February 1999: Montenegro is not Slovenia, it is a component part of Yugoslavia and that it wants to stay.
In 1998, the West also began to turn its back on Milošević. Naturally, Đukanović became an automatic local ally in this policy shift. That was especially obvious after the end of NATO bombing when Yugoslavia was plunged into deep international isolation. Milošević and other members of his clique were considered pariahs by every western government, so Đukanović became one of the few elected politicians within Yugoslavia they would openly communicate with. They were willing to overlook Đukanović's communist past, initial pro-war stance, and mounting evidence of criminal involvement, allowing him to regularly meet with Clinton administartion officials such as Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, Secretary of Defense William Cohen and National Security Advisor Sandy Berger as well as British PM Tony Blair, British Foreign Secretary Robin Cook and NATO Secretary-General Javier Solana all throughout this period.
Some credited Đukanović for the fact that Montenegro was spared from the brunt of the bombing that devastated the infrastructure of Serbia.
However, this special relationship decreased after October 2000 when Milošević was finally ousted and a coalition led by Zoran Đinđić and Vojislav Koštunica took power in Belgrade.
Soon after the change in Serbia, Đukanović shifted his own politics again and now, for the very first time, started openly pushing for Montenegrin independence.
[edit] Prime Minister again, 2002-2006
From the downfall of Milošević until the recognition of Montenegro’s independence in June 2006, Đukanović struggled with Serbia over the issue of Montenegrin independence. His pro-independence policy resulted in a compromise some see as having been imposed by the European Union and its newly named foreign policy chief Javier Solana, with the creation of the new State Union of Serbia and Montenegro (replacing the two-republic Federal Republic of Yugoslavia), but this also caused fallout with elements of his supporters who wanted him to push for full independence. As a result, he became the most high-profile supporter of the Montenegrin independence referendum in 2006. He is widely regarded as a single most responsible person for renewal of Montenegro's statehood.
In June 2006, Đukanović appointed himself as the Montenegrin Minister of Defense[3], a decision that led to a chorus of criticism from different NGOs, aside from the fact alone that this was unconstitutional an deemed illegal, as well as judged as another step of Milo's autocracy. They point to a clear breach of Montenegrin constitution and a conflict of interest law that both prohibit members of government from performing multiple public duties. In addition to his PM, and now Minister of Defense duties, Đukanović earlier named himself as the president of National Council for Sustainable Growth, member of the Council for European Integration, and the president of Agency for Promotion of Foreign Investment's managing board.[4]
On 3 October, 2006, Đukanović announced that he will not be the candidate for the Prime Minister, although he will stay atop the Democratic Party of Socialists[5]. On 4 October, he proclaimed Željko Šturanović his successor. Šturanović's proclamation is considered a compromise between Đukanović and Svetozar Marović, as Đukanović's first candidate was Igor Lukšić, Minister of Finance.
Đukanović formally ceased to be the Prime Minister on 10 November, as the new Government was elected by Parliament of Montenegro. He cited his reasons for stepping down as "being tired of politics", and wishing to try himself out as a businessman.
[edit] Ongoing criminal investigation in Italy
For years Milo Đukanović has been accused of personal and political ties to wide spread tobacco smuggling in Montenegro throughout the 1990s.
According to a 240-page internal report compiled in 1997 by the Guardia di Finanza (Italian Border/Customs Police and Financial Police, is also a Military Police Corp), Montenegro was part of smuggling hierarchy divided among various crime families connected to Sicilian mafia, Camorra and Sacra corona unita organized crime syndicates. The report claimed that tobacco smuggling in Europe caused an estimated $700 million annually in losses to governments and legitimate merchants.[6]
Various reports implicate Đukanović in doing business with different Mafia bosses like Neapolitan Camorra's Ciro Mazzarella who was arrested in 1993 in Lugano.[7]
Since then, other mafia figures like Francesco Prudentino, Gerardo Cuomo, Filippo Messina, etc. connected to the highest echelons of Italian organized crime operated out of Montenegro closely tied to Đukanović's government.[8]
In 1996, Italy's Anti-mafia Investigative Agency taped a telephone conversation between Cuomo and Santo Vantaggiato, a fugitive from Italian law hiding in Montenegro. The two men were discussing the election in Montenegro, and Cuomo boasted that he was close to senior Montenegrin politicians. He mentioned that if his "friends" got in, he would be "much stronger." Vantaggiato was murdered in Montenegro two years later in a mafia war.[9]
In July 2003, the prosecutor's office in Naples named Đukanović as a linchpin in the illicit trade which used Montenegro as a transit point for smuggling millions of cigarettes across the Adriatic sea into Italy and into the hands of the Italian mafia for distribution across the EU.[1]
Among other things, the court mentioned that Đukanović showed "ruthlessness and insidiousness" in his efforts to destroy evidence and sabotage the investigation.
This detail about Đukanović's motives was absent from most news reports about the referendum. The international media has largely ignored other scandals that may be related to Đukanović, such as the murder of the founder and chief editor of Montenegro's only opposition newspaper, Dan, a new white slavery scandal involving members of Đukanović government, and Đukanović’s alleged association with gangster and former jean forger Stanko Subotic Cane. The only scandal mentioned at all was his vote-buying scheme but even that was described in some reports as the usual so-called Serbian lie.
[edit] Warrant for his arrest issued in Italy
On April 16, 2003, the Judge for Preliminary Inquiries in Naples rejected the Anti-Mafia Bureau's request for a warrant for Đukanović's arrest, claiming him to be immune from arrest as prime minister of Montenegro. The bureau had been investigating him for a while[2][3] and now charged him with "crimes of the Mafia type"[10] and had further requested his arrest as a precautionary measure; to prevent him from committing more crimes and destroying evidence as the investigation continued.
The case was appealed to the Naples Court of Review, which ruled Đukanović's favor. Besides claiming his immunity, he was described as not socially dangerous as well as ignorant that he was committing crimes.[4]
The case was then once again appealed, to the Court of Cassation (Corte di Cassazione). On December 28, 2004, this court ruled in favor of the Anti-Mafia Bureau. It argued that as Montenegro was not a sovereign state, Đukanović had no diplomatic immunity. The court further ruled that he should be arrested to prevent further crimes and destroyed evidence. The court also added that if Đukanović was unaware of the gravity of his crimes, then this was nothing but a further argument for arresting him.[5] [4] [3]
In mid-2005, Robert Amoroso, a legal advisor in the Italian Foreign Ministry, confirmed the warrant for Đukanović's arrest when stating that "Đukanović will be arrested if he ever sets foot in Italy."[6]
Since the independence referendum in Montenegro, Đukanović has openly used the change in Montenegro's status to have the warrant dropped. Only one day after the referendum, his lawyer, Enrico Tuccillo, has proclaimed that "The referendum has confirmed the premise of the Prime Minister, Milo Đukanović, about the sovereignty of Montenegro: therefore no doubt can now remain about the immunity, granted to heads of state and of government, which Đukanović enjoyed and enjoys."[11][12]
[edit] Trivia
- He is married to Lidija Đukanović (nee Kuč). They have a son, Blažo, born in 1988
- He is also a 1.96m (6'4") former basketball player, and as such he is a rather tall statesman.
- He was nicknamed "Britva", which is a Serbian term for straight razor.
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[edit] References
- ^ The Guardian: Montenegrin PM accused of link with tobacco racket, from July 11, 2003. URL accessed on June 24, 2006
- ^ BBC News: Montenegrin leader 'linked to mafia', from May 29, 2002. URL accessed on June 15, 2006
- ^ a b BBC News: Montenegro leader denies Mafia links, from June 3, 2002. URL accessed on June 15, 2006
- ^ a b In Dec. 2004, Italy's Supreme Court Ruled: Jail Prime Minister Đukanović. The Emperor’s New Clothes (2006-06-01). Retrieved on 2006-09-11.
- ^ CONTRABBANDO: ĐUKANOVIĆ; CASSAZIONE, CAPACE DI CRIMINI (Italian). ANSA.IT (2005-07-01). Retrieved on 2006-09-11.
- ^ "Montenegrin premier to be arrested if he enters Italy - Italian official", Monsters and Critics.com, 2006-06-15. Retrieved on 2006-09-11.
| Preceded by Radoje Kontić (President of the Executive Council of SR Montenegro) |
post created Prime Minister of Montenegro 15 February 1991–5 February 1998 |
Succeeded by Filip Vujanović |
| Preceded by Momir Bulatović |
President of Montenegro 15 January 1998–25 November 2002 |
Succeeded by Filip Vujanović |
| Preceded by Filip Vujanović |
Prime Minister of Montenegro 8 January 2003–10 November 2006 |
Succeeded by Željko Šturanović |
| Preceded by office held by Zoran Stanković (as Minister of Defense of Serbia and Montenegro) |
post created Minister of Defense of Montenegro June 2006–10 November 2006 |
Succeeded by Boro Vučinić |
| Presidents of the Socialist Republic of Montenegro |  |
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| President of the Anti-Fascist Council of People's Liberation of Montenegro and the Bay: Nikola Miljanić
President of the Montenegrin Anti-Fascist Assembly of People's Liberation: Nikola Miljanić President of the Presidium of the Constitutional Assembly of Montenegro: Miloš Rašović Presidents of the Presidium of the People's Assembly of Montenergo: Miloš Rašović | Nikola Kovačević Presidents of the People's Assembly of Montenegro: Blažo Jovanović | Filip Bajković | Andrija Mugoša | Veljko Milatović | Vidoje Žarković | Budislav Šoškić Presidents of Presidency of Montenegro: Veljko Milatović | Veselin Đuranović | Marko Orlandić | Miodrag Vlahović | Branislav Šoškić | Radivoje Brajović | Božina Ivanović | Branko Kostić |
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| Presidents of the Republic of Montenegro |  |
| Momir Bulatović | Milo Đukanović | Filip Vujanović | |
| Presidents of Montenegro | |
| Filip Vujanović |
| Governors for the Vladika |  |
|---|---|
| Dikan Vukotić | Stano Radonjić | Vukota Vukotić | Stefan Kovačević | Vukadin Vukotić | Stanislav Radonjić | Vukaljo Radonjić | (Unknown) Vukotić | Jovan Radonjić | Vukolaj Radonjić | |
| Prime Ministers of the Kingdom of Montenegro | |
| Božo Petrović-Njegoš | Lazar Mijušković | Mark Radulović | Andrija Radović | Lazar Tomanović | Mitar Martinović | Janko Vukotić | Milo Matanović | Lazar Mijušković | Andrija Radović | Milo Matanović | Evgenije Popović | |
| Prime Ministers of the Kingdom of Montenegro in Exile | |
| Evgenije Popović | Anto Gvozdenović | Jovan Plamenac | Milutin Vučinić | Anto Gvozdenović | |
| Presidents of the Executive Council of the Socialist Republic of Montenegro |  |
| Blažo Jovanović | Filip Bajković | Đorđije Pajković | Veselin Đuranović | Mijuško Šibalić | Vidoje Žarković | Žarko Bulajić | Marko Orlandić | Momčilo Cemović | Radivoje Brajović | Vuko Vukadinović | Radoje Kontić | |
| Prime Ministers of the Republic of Montenegro |  |
| Milo Đukanović | Filip Vujanović | Milo Đukanović | |
| Prime Ministers of Montenegro |  |
| Milo Đukanović | Željko Šturanović |
