Mensalão scandal

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Dollars found in the underwear of the adviser to deputy José Nobre Guimarães (PT). Photo from the Brazilian Federal Police.
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Dollars found in the underwear of the adviser to deputy José Nobre Guimarães (PT). Photo from the Brazilian Federal Police.

The Mensalão scandal, known in Brazil as the escândalo do mensalão or votes for cash scandal, dominated the politics of Brazil in 2005 and currently threatens to bring down the government of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Mensalão is a neologism and variant of the word for "monthly payment" in Portuguese. The scandal began in its current form when on June 6, 2005, the Brazilian Congressional Deputy Roberto Jefferson told the Brazilian newspaper Folha de São Paulo that the ruling Workers' Party (PT) had paid a number of Congressional deputies thirty thousand reais (around US$12,000 at the time) every month in order to vote for legislation favored by the ruling party. A substantial portion of the Brazilian political class has now resigned or been fired, and the scandal has even sparked charges of illegal campaign contributions from Cuba and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia and political connections to the assassination of Celso Daniel, mayor of the city of Santo André.

Contents

[edit] Origins

On September 18, 2004, the major Brazilian weekly magazine Veja printed a cover story entitled, "The scandal of the purchase of the PTB by the PT". The article described the development of the alliance between the Workers Party (PT) and the Brazilian Labour Party (PTB). According to the magazine, the Workers' Party had promised that it would pay R$150,000 to each PTB congressional deputy if they would give their support to the Executive. Allegedly, because these promises were not fulfilled, a storm of allegations of corruption against the PT began to appear in May 2005.

On September 24, 2004, the Rio de Janeiro newspaper Jornal do Brasil published the story: "Miro denounces bribery in Congress". The article cited Veja and claimed that the former Minister of Communications Miro Teixeira had revealed the existence of the monthly payments to the Public Prosecution Ministry.

On September 25, 2004, the Jornal do Brasil published another story claiming that the President of the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies João Paulo Cunha (PT) had promised that he would fully investigate the claims. According to the newspaper, the President of PPS Roberto Freire commented: "This subject has been circulating for months in Congress but nobody has the courage to approach it."

[edit] The scandal's explosion

On May 14, 2005, the Brazilian weekly magazine Veja published a new story describing an apparent corruption scheme in the Brazilian Postal Service. The magazine described the content of a 110 minute video tape recording, made with a hidden camera, which showed former Post Office Chief Maurício Marinho involved in an apparent bribe negotiation with a businessman. The full bribery scheme involving government contracts would be administered by the Post Office administration director Antônio Osório Batista and by the Post Office manager and Congressional deputy Roberto Jefferson (PTB).

The equipment used in the recording of the alleged Post Office bribery negotiation. Photo: Gervásio Baptista/ABr.
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The equipment used in the recording of the alleged Post Office bribery negotiation. Photo: Gervásio Baptista/ABr.

In the tape, Marinho receives and then pockets R$3,000 (about 1,259 USD) in cash. The recording was aired by the major Brazilian television stations.

Agents from the Brazilian Intelligence Agency (ABIN) took part in investigating the Post Office case. As the scandal developed this involvement was argued to be linked to an attempt to destroy the PT's former allies without the scandal exploding upon the government.

However, a major political battle began when the government tried to systematically obstruct the installation of a Parliamentary Commission of Investigation (CPI) to investigate the growing corruption scandal.

On June 3, 2005 the newspaper Folha de São Paulo published the story claiming that the government was tying funds to various projects to support of the installation of the CPI.

Because of these claims, part of the government's base joined the opposition to support the installation of a Parliamentary Commission of Investigation. Abandoned by his allies, Jefferson began to counterattack. On June 6, the newspaper Folha de São Paulo published an interview with Jefferson. Jefferson claimed that Delúbio Soares, the treasurer of Workers' Party, was administering a monthly payment of R$ 30 thousand to certain Congressional deputies, in order to influence them to vote with the government.

Congressman Roberto Jefferson (PTB/RJ) testifying in front of the Ethics Council of the House. Photo: Marcello Casal Jr/ABr.
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Congressman Roberto Jefferson (PTB/RJ) testifying in front of the Ethics Council of the House. Photo: Marcello Casal Jr/ABr.

Roberto Jefferson named this monthly payment as mensalão, a derivation of the word in Portuguese for monthly payment. The word "mensalão" quickly became the adopted popular label for the scandal, now identified as the "escândalo do mensalão."

According to Jefferson, the operator of the payment scheme was the businessman Marcos Valério de Souza, one of the owners of the advertising agencies SMP&B and DNA, which had large contracts with the government.

After the installation of the Investigation Commission the government allegedly tried to control the commission by installing allies Senator Delcídio Amaral (PT) as President and Deputy Osmar Serraglio (PMDB) as the key reporter.

Although the Congressional Commission of Investigation for the Post Office scandal subject was officially restricted to the investigation of irregularities in the Post Office administration, it began to investigate the expanding monthly payment claims because of the apparent connections between the cases.

An additional commission for the broader scandal was officially installed on July 20. Allies of the government occupy the key posts; the President of the CPI is the Senator Amir Lando and the reporter (responsible for writing the final report) the Deputy Ibrahim Abi-Ackel. Abi-Ackel was minister of justice in the government of João Baptista Figueiredo, and he was also accused of involvement in a corruption scandal.

[edit] The scandal's development

Throughout July and August, the scandal expanded in a complicated and baroque manner that some described as similar to a Brazilian soap opera (telenovela). In early July, an advisor to Congressional deputy and brother of Workers’ Party President José Genoíno, was seized at an airport with $100,000 in his underwear and additional funds in his luggage. The wives and secretaries of key figures testified in the numerous and overlapping Congressional panels, including Valério's secretary, Fernanda Karina Somaggio, and the ex-wife of Valdemar Costa Neto, Maria Christina Mendes Caldeira. The Congressional hearings were often marked by fiery rhetoric and emotional outbursts, including numerous incidents of crying by witnesses and Workers' Party deputies. Although still murky and unclear, reported links between the scandal, its key figures, and the murder of Santo André's mayor Celso Daniel and various mafia and criminal figures have only intensified its sensational tone and societal impact.

One key event that broadened the scandal into more of a general investigation of the Workers' Party history as whole was the sudden testimony of Duda Mendonça, public relations specialist and campaign manager for Lula's 2002 campaign, on August 11. He claimed that he was paid using off-shore bank accounts and possibly illegal funds connected to Valério.

The scandal, which had at that time not yet involved Brazil's finance minister who is often claimed to be popular with the international finance community, threatened Antonio Palocci's standing after lawyer and former advisor Rogério Tadeu Buratti testified that Palocci was involved in corrupt activities while mayor of Ribeirão Preto in the mid-90's.

Although Lula's popularity has waxed and waned and no definite proof has emerged that he orchestrated or had knowledge of any monthly payments, his government and personal prospects are still seen as in danger. A number of Workers' Party officials have announced their separation with the party, and its future is unclear. However, Brazil's economy is widely perceived as not having been yet substantially impacted by the scandal, and its continued performance is likely tied to Lula's ultimate fate. It is also unclear if the scandal will lead to criminal trials against key figures like José Dirceu and Delúbio Soares. Some Brazilian commentators are speculating that the situation will "end up in pizza" ("terminar em pizza"), a culinary-inspired term for a situation where no one is punished.

Roberto Jefferson, who initially sparked the scandal, was expelled from the Chamber of Deputies on September 14, 2005 for ethical violations determined by the Congressional Council of Ethics. Despite continued resignations from figure involved, in October the scandal died down somewhat as Brazil had a referendum on gun sales that resulted in a loss for the government's position. At the end of October, Veja published a new story claiming that the Workers' Party had received illegal campaign funds from Cuba--threatening to reintensify the scandal once again.

[edit] First joint preliminary CPI report

The Post Office and Vote Buying parliamentary commissions of investigation unanimously approved their first joint preliminary report on September 1, 2005.

The report accused 18 Brazilian deputies of involvement in the corruption scandal:

In the report they are accused of misdeeds including illegal campaign finance activities, placing cronies in strategic positions in government enterprises and receiving kickbacks in return, and receiving cash payments in exchange for voting with the government in the Brazilian Congress.

In regard to the claims initially made by deputy Roberto Jefferson (PTB) the report states:

  • Everything he said that could be investigated was revealed to appear to be valid, including his own confessions.
  • Everything he said when compared to other testimonies showed a great degree of validity.

The report stated that several documents were identified and validated proving that large sums of money were withdrawn from agencies of the Rural Bank in Brasilia and Belo Horizonte, as well as from the bank accounts of the enterprises SMPB and DNA. According to the documents, the beneficiaries were federal deputies who received funds in person or through relatives, advisers, or individuals chosen by Marcos Valério.

The report affirmed that it was possible that some payments were made on a monthly basis and others more or less frequently. The presence of the scheme at all, however, was to deemed to be of greater importance than the timing of the payments.

The editors of the CPI report called the defense made by some parliamentarians that the funds were used to settle debts from electoral campaigns a "lame excuse".

[edit] Timing of key withdrawals and votes

Documents from the Council for Control of Financial Activities (Conselho de Controle de Atividades Financeiras [Coaf]) indicate that between July and May of 2003, withdrawals of 27 million reais were made from the accounts of businessman Marcos Valério, mostly through Banco Rural.

According to deputy Roberto Jefferson, the money for the mensalão came from Banco Rural and the Banco do Brasil. Documents from Coaf validate the withdrawals from Banco Rural; the withdrawals from the Banco do Brasil have not yet been traced.

The table below shows a side-by-side description of some of the withdrawals and connected votes in the Chamber of Deputies and Senate of Brazil.

Source:Reuters.

[edit] Principal figures in the scandal

[edit] Workers Party

  1. José Dirceu, accused by Jefferson to be the head of the scheme
  2. José Genoíno, President of the PT, suspected in relationship to money found in the underwear of the adviser to his brother, the deputy José Guimarães
  3. Delúbio Soares, Treasurer of the PT
  4. Marcelo Sereno, National leader of PT
  5. Silvio Pereira, National leader PT, received a Land Rover from a supplier to Petrobras
  6. João Paulo Cunha (PT-São Paulo) - Ex-president of the House. His wife was identified by people visiting the Banco Rural in Brasília
  7. Paulo Rocha (PT-Pará) - Ex-leader of the PT in the House. An adviser of his was seen outside of the Banco Rural.
  8. Professor Luizinho (PT-São Paulo) - Ex-leader of the government in the House, had an adviser who received R$ 20 mil from Marcos Valério.
  9. José Mentor (PT-São Paulo) - His office received R$ 60 from an Banco Rural account of Marcos Valério
  10. José Nobre Guimarães (PT-Ceará) - Brother of party chief José Genuíno. His adviser was found with US$ 100,000.00 in his underwear and R$ 200,000.00 in a suitcase. Guimarães was also accused of receiving R$ 250,000.00 from the accounts of Marcos Valério.
  11. José Adalberto Vieira da Silva (PT-Ceará) adviser to José Nobre Guimarães, found with hidden money in his underpants.
  12. Josias Gomes (PT-Bahia) - suspected of personally withdrawing R$ 100 thousands from the accounts of Marcos Valério.
  13. Luiz Gushiken, ex-communication secretary, accused of issues relating to his former firms

[edit] Allied figures

These figures are members of other parties that gave political support to the Workers' Party before the scandal: PTB, PP, PL, and the PMDB.

  1. Roberto Jefferson (PTB-Rio de Janeiro) - Deputy who sparked the scandal with his initial allegations. Accused of operating a corruption scheme using state enterprises and the Post Office. Also accused of receiving millions of dollars from Marcos Valério to assist the PTB without declaring it to the electoral authorities.
  2. José Carlos Martinez (PTB-Paraná) - Deputy who has already died. Accused of receiving R$ 1,000,000.00
  3. Romeu Queiroz (PTB-Minas Gerais). Accused of receiving R$ 350,000.00
  4. José Janene (PP-Paraná) - Cited by Jefferson since the start of the scandal. Accused of distributing the Mensalão to the parliamentary group of the PP. His involvement was confirmed in testimony by his advisor João Cláudio Genu to the Federal Police, who confessed to making the withdrawals and delivering the money to the treasury of the PP.
  5. Pedro Corrêa (PP-Pernambuco) - President of the PP, also accused by Jefferson and incriminated by Genu.
  6. Pedro Henry (PP-Mato Grosso) - Ex-leader of the House, also implicated in the testimony of Genu.
  7. José Borba (PMDB-Paraná) - Ex-leader of the PMDB in the House. Is accused of receiving R$ 2.1 million by the financial director of Valério's firm SMPB, but of refusing to sign the receipt for the withdrawal (forcing an employee of SMPB to go to the bank branch to release the payment)
  8. Valdemar Costa Neto (PL-São Paulo) - Accused of being the distributor of the Mensalão to the bench of the PL. His ex-treasurer, Jacinto Lamas, is accused of being the main beneficiery listed in the withdrawals from the accounts of Marcos Valério in Banco Rural, receiving R$ 10,837,500. To avoid the process of removal from Congress, on August 1 he resigned before an inquiry could be opened.
  9. Bishop Rodrigues (PL-Rio de Janeiro) - Coordinated the grouping of members of the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God in the House. Accused of receiving R$ 150,000. Was afterwards expelled from the church.
  10. Anderson Adauto (PL-Minas Gerais) - Ex-Minister of Transportation, accused of receiving, through the intermediary of his cabinet chief, one million reals from Marcos Valério.

[edit] Opposition

  1. Eduardo Azeredo - (PSDB-Minas Gerais). Not accused of involvement in the mensalão, he is accused of receiving money from Marcos Valério to be used in an off-book accounting scheme for campaign for the Governor of Minas Gerais in 1998. In response to this accusations, in hope to preserve his party's reputation, Azeredo leaves his position as PSDB's national president in October, 2005.
  2. Roberto Brant - Deputy of the PFL from Minas Gerais who is accused of having received funds from Valerio. The fact that Brant who is a member of a party opposed to the government is notable. Brant argued that the money he received was from the business Usiminas, which was not declared as an official donor. Valério denied the claim and Usiminas refused to comment.

[edit] Others

  1. Marcos Valério - Businessman. Accused of being the operator of the "mensalão", he supposedly operated several public relations firms and advertising agencies whose bank accounts were used to distribute funds to members of the Workers' Party and other allied Brazilian parties. He is also accused of participating of Eduardo Azeredo's off-book accounting.
  2. Duda Mendonça - Campaign manager and public relations specialist who led Lula Presidential campaign. His partner, Zilmar da Silveira, appears as a recipient of funds from Marcos Valério (R$ 15,500,000.00).
  3. Fernanda Karina Somaggio - Secretary of Marcos Valério. Her datebook was seized by the Federal Police. She confirmed the Valério's connection to Delúbio Soares and with other deputies accused of involvement in the corruption scheme. Also charged that payments were made with suitcases filled with money.
  4. Renilda Soares - Valério's wife. Accused José Dirceu of having full knowledge of the corruption scheme.
  5. Toninho da Barcelona - also known as Antonio Oliveira Claramunt. One of the principal Brazil foreign exchange specialists. Arrested for illegal financial activities, he alleged that he did various exchanges for the PT and other parties. He claimed the PT maintained a secret foreign bank account in the Trade Link Bank, an offshore account linked to the Banco Rural
  6. Rogério Buratti - ex-advisor to Antonio Palocci. Arrested by police on August 16, 2005. He is accused of participating in fraud in contracts between the local district of Ribeirão Preto and garbage collection firms, money laundering, and extortion. Claimed that during the administration of Antonio Palocci there was a corruption scheme to divert funds to the Workes' Party.
  7. Sérgio Gomes da Silva, "the Shadow" - Businessman and ex-body guard for the mayor of Santo André Celso Daniel. He is accused of having ordered the assassination of the mayor.
  8. Maria Christina Mendes Caldeira - ex-wife of the deputy Valdemar Costa Neto. Accused her former husband of receiving the mensalão and of receiving an irregular donation from Taiwanese businessmen.

[edit] Major businesses involved

[edit] Brazil

[edit] State companies
  • Furnas electrical companies
  • Nuclear electric companies
  • Petrobras
  • Instituto de Resseguros do Brasil (IRB)
  • Empresa Brasileira de Correios e Telégrafos (EBCT)
  • Previ

[edit] Private companies
  • Guaranhuns (front company)
  • DNA (business of Marcos Valério)
  • SMP&B (business of Marcos Valério, Cristiano Paz and Ramon Cardoso)

[edit] Financial institutions
  • Banco Rural: used by Marcos Valério for his operations
  • Banco do Brasil: used by Marcos Valério for his operations
  • BMG: used by Marcos Valério for his operations

[edit] Portugal

[edit] United States

  • Bank of Beacon Hill: used by Marcos Valério for his operations

[edit] Congressional Committees of Investigation (CPIs)

The following CPIs are involved in the investigation of issues that are related to the overall Cash-for-Vote scandal. [1]

  • Post Office CPI: Created June 9, 2005 to investigate alleged irregularities and corruption in the Brazilian Post Office. After the claims by Deputy Roberto Jefferson, this CPI began investigation into the alleged payments made to Brazilian deputies by the ruling party. The termination of the committee's work is scheduled for February 21, 2006.
  • Bingo CPI: Created in June 19, 2005 to investigate the use of houses of Bingo gambling for money laundering and the relationship between these houses and organized crime. The CPI was proposed after a tape revealed that the Waldomiro Diniz (an advisor to the Minister José Dirceu) was apparently extorting the gambling mafia of Rio de Janeiro to gain funds for Workers' Party political campaigns. The termination of the committee's work is scheduled for October 26, 2005.
  • Vote Buying CPI: Created July 20, 2005 to investigate the alleged monthly payments to deputies. The Workers' Party requests a parallel investigation of the electoral reform to allow a second term for ex-President Fernando Henrique Cardoso (PSDB). The termination of the committee's work is scheduled for November 16, 2005.

Also there was a movement instigated by members of opposition in order to create a fourth CPI to investigate off-book accounts in all parties' during the most recent elections. Due to serial allegations of the occurring of this kind of operation in many politicians' campaigns in 2002, including President Lula's, many believed this CPI could result in a legal and concrete reason to start his impeachment process. However this process was aborted.

[edit] Council of Ethics

The council of Ethics and Parliamentary Decorum of the House is the organ responsible for processing and disciplining members for behavior not in concordance with Parliamentary Decorum.

In order to expel a deputy, 257 votes out of 513 are needed. If expelled, in addition to losing his seat in the Congress and parliamentary privileges and immunity, the member can be barred from holding any public office for eight years. Jefferson will be prohibited from running for office again until 2015. [2] [3]

[edit] Timeline of key events

[edit] June

  • June 8 - A CPI is installed to investigate alleged corruption in the Post Office after the testimony of Roberto Jefferson. Workers Party treasurer Delúbio Soares denies the claims during a press conference and says that he would authorize the investigation of all of his personal bank accounts.
  • June 14 - Additional testimony of Roberto Jefferson in front of the Council of Ethics of the Chamber of the Deputies. Jefferson says that he informed the ministers Aldo Rebelo, Walfrido Mares Guia, Ciro Gomes, Miro Teixeira, José Dirceu and Antônio Palocci about the alleged payments. Palocci and Dirceu deny they were warned by Jefferson; Rebelo, Guia, and Gomes, and Teixeira confirm that Jefferson warned them about the existence of the "mensalão". Roberto Jefferson states that José Dirceu should resign from the government "quickly".
  • June 16 - Minister of Civilian Household José Dirceu resigns. Dirceu was labeled by his opponents the "Rasputin" of the government because he was a strong figure with influence over President Lula.
  • June 22 - Deputy Raquel Teixeira (Goiás) testifying in front of the Council of Ethics confirms that on February 18, 2004 deputy Sandro Mabel of the Liberal Party (PL) invited her to leave the PSDB in exchange for a monthly payment if she also promised to support the government. According to Raquel, the offer was R$ 30,000 (about 12,913 USD) a month - which could be increased up to a sum of R$ 50,000 (about 21,521 USD) with R$ 1 million ($430,420) as a "bonus" at the end of the year. Raquel says she denounced the request and spoke to the governor of Goiás Marconi Perillo about it.
  • June 30 – With his left eye injured due to an accident moving an armoire - Deputy Roberto Jefferson (PTB-Rio de Janeiro) testifies to the Post Office CPI. Jefferson says that the agency of the Rural Bank at the 9th floor of Brasilia Shopping mall is used to withdraw the money of mensalão since the delivery by suitcases got very risky.

[edit] July

  • July 4 – Workers Party member Silvio Pereira resigns from his post as secretary general of the party. According to Jefferson he was the manager of the "mensalão".
  • July 4 – The magazine Veja releases photos of a contract from the Bank BMG S/A indicating Marcos Valério as the guarantor of a February 17, 2003 R$ 2.4 million bank loan to the Workers Party (PT).[4] The document is signed by Workers Party President José Genoíno and party treasurer Delúbio Soares. Genoino claims that he didn’t read the document when he signed it. Valério had paid back the first R$300,000 of the loan.
  • Deputy José Borba (leader of the PMDB) claims that Valério, despite not having a public post, directly took part in the nomination of directors for strategic positions in state-run enterprises. Valério denies the claim.
  • July 6 – It is discovered that Marcos Valério had moved more than R$ 800 million within his bank accounts in the past 3 years.
  • July 6 – Marcos Valério testifies before the Post Office CPI and maintains that he did not do anything illegal. The veracity of his testimony is questioned by parliamentarians and many political analysts because Valério spoke under a preemptive habeas corpus (exempting the individual of certain legal sanctions for not telling the truth) granted by Brazilian courts.
  • July 7 – It becomes public that the Bank of Brazil (BB) had lent R$ 20 million to the Workers' Party without any guarantor or guarantees. The CPI for the Post Office begins to investigate the loans to the Workers’ Party. There are also new claims that members or supporters of the Workers' Party have unique control of the bank.
  • July 7 – The bank, postal, and telephone records of Roberto Jefferson, Delúbio Soares, José Genoíno and José Dirceu are subpoenaed.
  • July 8 - José Adalberto Vieira da Silva, an adviser to deputy José Nobre Guimarães who is the brother of Workers’ Party President José Genoíno, is seized at Cumbica airport in Guarulhos (SP) with US$ 100,000 in cash stuffed in his underpants and R$200,000 in his luggage.
  • July 12 - Lula completes a ministerial reform which includes the removal of cabinet-level ministerial status from Luiz Gushiken, the Secretariat of Government Communication and Strategic Management (Secom), who had been suspected of having questionable relationships with pensions firms under his jurisdiction.
  • Henrique Pizzolato, director of Marketing and Communications for the Banco do Brasil petitions for retirement. Several days earlier, Fernanda Karina Somaggio, former secretary of Marcos Valério had accused the director of being part of the circle that connected Valério to the government. Pizzolato had already been attacked because he used Banco do Brasil funds to pay for a Brazilian country music (sertaneja) concert which returned profits to the Workers Party (PT).
  • July 15 - During an interview with the national newscast Jornal Nacional (TV Globo) Marcos Valério admits that the funds in his bank accounts were used as loans to the Workers Party (PT), thereby administering an illegal off-book accounting scheme for the party.
  • July 15 - A number of non-governmental parties assert that Valerio's concessions are actually a strategy to reduce the apparent severity of the crimes since the penalties for off-book accounting are less severe. Some parliamentarians on the CPI recall the "Uruguay Operation", a fictitious financial entity created by some supporters of the impeached President Fernando Collor de Mello to explain his alleged large financial gains. The deputy Eduardo Paes (PSDB-RJ) labels the Marcos Valério claims as the "Paraguay Operation" as an allusion to this episode. The Paraguayan ambassador to Brazil Luis González Arias protests against the use of the name of his country in this "pejorative manner".
  • July 17 - During an interview to TV Globo, Workers Party treasurer Delúbio Soares says that the only impropriety he committed was the use of off-book accounting as described by the businessman Marcos Valério two days earlier.
  • July 17 - In Paris for the Bastille Day celebrations, Brazilian President Lula says during an exclusive interview with a Brazilian freelance journalist aired in Brazil by TV Globo that off-book accounting is a "common practice in Brazil".
  • July 19 - The former secretary-general of the Workers Party (PT) Silvio Pereira testifies with habeas corpus protection before the CPI on the Post Office. He does not explain how he received a Land Rover from an employee of the firm GDK whose president César Oliveira Silvio he admits to knowing. GDK had won a major contract of R$ 90 million together with Petrobras in 2004. Silvio Pereira, whose salary as a worker of the PT is R$ 9,000 per month, is accused of living a lifestyle incompatible with his inheritance and income, including a penthouse apartment in São Paulo and a mansion in Ilhabela
  • July 19 - The subpoenaed bank records of Marcos Valério and his businesses reveal connections to the leaders of a number of parties, including the PT. The then former President of the House of Deputies João Paulo Cunha (PT-SP) appears to be the beneficiary of a withdrawal of R$ 50 thousand made by wife. This information denies his previous claim that his wife was seen at the Banco Rural branch only while paying a cable television bill. It is also discovered that there were withdrawals of R$ 320 thousand made by Anita Leocádia, an advisor to the leader of the PT in the House Paulo Rocha (PT-BA), in addition to numerous other withdrawals made by advisors to PT members and other party leaders.
  • July 20 - The Vote Buying Congressional Inquiry (CPI) is installed.
  • July 20 - Workers' Party (PT) treasurer Delúbio Soares testifies under habeas corpus protection before the Post Office CPI. He says that the only irregularity practiced by his party is book-off accounting and that he is the only guilty party.
Maria Christina Mendes Caldeira, former wife of Deputy Valdemar Costa Neto (PL). Photo: Wilson Dias/ABr.
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Maria Christina Mendes Caldeira, former wife of Deputy Valdemar Costa Neto (PL). Photo: Wilson Dias/ABr.
  • July 20 - Maria Christina Mendes Caldeira, the former wife of Deputy Valdemar Costa Neto (PL), accuses Valdemar of receiving the "mensalão". She says her former husband illegally brought dollars into Brazil and that he is a compulsive gambler.
  • July 20 - Also, the STF, after a communication from the Council for Control of Financial Activities (COAF), blocks an account of Marcos Valério's wife Renilda Fernandes de Souza after she tried to withdraw R$ 1.8 million from a Bank Boston account in Belo Horizonte, MG
  • July 20 - The President of the Municipal Foundation of Culture in Belo Horizonte Rodrigo Barroso Fernandes resigns because of accusations related to money laundering. He has ties to Belo Horizonte mayor Fernando Pimentel (PT) because of his work as treasurer during the 2002 election campaign. Rodrigo's name had appeared in the lists of withdrawals from the accounts of Valério's firms SMP&B and DNA (including a R$ 350 thousand withdrawal from an account of SMP&B with Banco Rural).
  • July 21 - Deputy Paulo Rocha resigns as the leader of the Workers' Party (PT) in the Chamber of Deputies.
  • July 22 – In Rio de Janeiro, Lula states that "among 180 million Brazilians, there is not a single man or woman" that can lecture him about ethics and that the "Brazilian elite" will not bring him down. [6]
  • July 22 - The head of the CPI on the Post Office Delcídio Amaral admits that Roberto Costa Pinho worked for his election campaign in 2002. Roberto was discovered to have initiated a withdrawal of R$ 350 thousand from an account of SMP&B, a firm of Valério's. Also, Amaral confirms that he was guarantor of a rent contract for a house in Campo Grande/Mato Grosso do Sul for Costa Pinho.
  • July 22 - The former secretary-general of the Workers' Party (PT) Silvio Pereira admits that it was improper to accept a Land Rover from a businessman. He apologizes and requests his disaffiliation from the Workers' Party.
  • July 22 - Newspapers, including O Globo, report that the police have recorded a phone conversation between members of the "máfia da previdência", a gang specializing in fraud against the INSS (National Social Security Institute) and the Receita Federal (Federal Revenue Service), mentioning the names of political figures Delúbio Soares, José Dirceu and Roberto Jefferson. The Ministério Público Federal (the Federal Prosecutor's Office) begins to investigate the new connection. here [7]
  • July 28 - Newspapers report that Delúbio Soares had told the General Public Prosecution Office that the loans guaranteed by Marcos Valério paid expenses connected to the government transition and Presidential inauguration.
  • July 28 – In Rio Grande do Sul, Lula states that the economy is vulnerable and that the policies of his government had antagonized the opposition.[8][9]

[edit] August

  • August 1 - President of the PL, Valdemar Costa Neto, resigns. He concedes that he received illegal money to pay off debts from his political campaigns.
  • August 2 - President of the Brazilian Social Democracy Party (PSDB) Eduardo Azeredo confesses that his reelection campaign for the state of Minas Gerais maintained a system of off-book funds and received money from Marcos Valério. Azeredo tries to minimize the weight of the accusations against him by claiming they attempt to divert attention from the investigations of the CPI for the Post Office. He maintains that funding irregularities in the election campaigns should not be confused with the more serious charges regarding monthly payments to influence congressional votes.
Brasília - President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and the President of Portugal Telecom, Miguel Antônio Igrejas Horta Costa, in the Palácio do Planalto, 19 August 2004. Photo Ricardo Stuckert/PR.
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Brasília - President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and the President of Portugal Telecom, Miguel Antônio Igrejas Horta Costa, in the Palácio do Planalto, 19 August 2004. Photo Ricardo Stuckert/PR.
  • August 2 - Deputy and former minister José Dirceu (PT-SP) testifies before the Ethics Council. Deputy Roberto Jefferson (PTB-RJ) sits in the front row at the hearing. Dirceu denies Jefferson's accusations regarding the payment of monthly allowances. Jefferson reaffirms all of his previous accusations and makes a new allegation as well. Jefferson claims that in January 2005 PT and PTB emissaries were sent to Portugal to request money from the firm Portugal Telecom.
  • August 3 - It is discovered that Marcos Valério had paid the lawyers for the Workers' Party (PT) in the case of the murder of Mayor Celso Daniel (PT-SP).
  • August 3 - The Brazilian government denies that Marcos Valério was ever authorized to present himself as an "adviser of the President of Brazil to the government of Portugal or in any other situation".
  • August 3 - Lula visits his birthplace Garanhuns and Teresina. He says that "with or without hatred, they will to have to swallow me", "who should pay, will pay", and that "it is necessary to separate the wheat from the chaff".
  • August 4 - Public Works Minister of Portugal Antonio Mexia has a meeting with the Brazilian ambassador Antônio Paes de Andrade in Portugal. Mexia says that he had "the opportunity to make clear to the ambassador the total repudiation of the attempt to involve his name in internal political questions in Brazil." [10]
  • August 4 - Mexia says that Marcos Valério didn't introduce himself as a "consultant of Brazilian government". Mexia's declarations contradict his statements in an earlier interview to the Portuguese newspaper Expresso, on July 16, 2005. Mexia had said to Expresso that he had received Valério as the "consultant of the Brazilian government".
  • August 4 - The press reports that the official schedule reveals that Marcos Valério had met with the President of the bank that controlled shares in Portugal Telecom thirteen days before his trip to Lisbon with the treasurer of the PTB and meeting with officials from the firm.
  • August 8 - Marcos Valério distributes a statement to the press denying the version of his trip presented by Roberto Jefferson and says that the trip to Portugal was to have negotiations with Portugal Telecom in relation to the business Telemig Celular. Valério says that he and his friend, the secretary of the PTB Emerson Palmieri accompanied him on his trip in order to "relax" [12].
  • August 11 - The vice-president of the Vote-Buying CPI, deputy Paulo Pimenta (PT-RS) resigns. The day before Pimenta had released a controversial list of the names of politicians who had suppossedly received money from Marcos Valério. The list was attacked by the President of the CPI Senator Amir Lando and others. The lawyers of Marcos Valério stated that the list was unknown. Pimenta had been accused of having had a secret encounter with Marcos Valério in the Senate's garage where they rode together in Valerio's car.[13]
  • August 11 - Public relations specialist and advertiser Duda Mendonça testifies suddenly and spontaneously before the Post Office CPI. He accuses Marcos Valério of asking him to open an offshore bank account to receive payments for his services managing political campaigns for the PT in 2002 and 2004. Deputies from the PT announce their separation from the party in Congress.
  • August 12 - The magazine Época, number 378, prints an interview with the former deputy Valdemar Costa Neto. Costa Neto says, according to the magazine, that Lula and José Alencar knew about the payment of R$ 10 million from the Workers Party (PT) to the Liberal Party to form an alliance which resulted in the election list that stood in the 2002 presidential election.
  • August 12 - In a public pronouncement transmitted on television, President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva says, "I have no shame to say the Brazilian people that we need to apologize. The PT needs to request forgiveness. The government, when it errs, needs to request forgiveness." Without citing names, he says he was "betrayed." [14]
  • August 16 - The Post Office CPI travels to São Paulo to speak with the dollar dealer Antonio Oliveira Claramunt, aka "Toninho da Barcelona", who has been sentenced to 25 years in prison for money laundering. Toninho claims he has information about the financial activities of important politicians including members of the Workers' Party. He promises to reveal his information in exchange for protection and a reduction of his sentence.
  • August 16 - The chief secretary and unofficial treasurer of the PTB, Emerson Palmieri testifies in front of the Vote Buying CPI that he traveled along with Marcos Valério to Portugal to attend a meeting of Portugal Telecom where Valério was supposed to request financial help for the Workers Party and PTB. He says that he doesn't consider himself a friend of Valério [15].
  • August 17 - The Workers Party (PT) National Executive Committee issues a request asking the nation's forgiveness. It states: "For the first time the party is asking for the country's pardon, for acts practiced by leaders of the party without the knowledge of other party members, acts that in the eyes of the Brazilian nation, were morally and politically condemnable."
  • August 19 - Buratti makes an agreement with the authorities and reveals the alleged plan and receipt of money in numerous local districts in Minas Gerais and São Paulo. The most controversial element is his allegation regarding the Minister of Finance Antonio Palocci who was mayor (1993-1996) of Ribeirão Preto and whom Buratti accuses of receiving 50 million reals from gargage collection firms.
  • August 19 - Buratti makes an agreement with the authorities and reveals the alleged plan and receipt of money in numerous local districts in Minas Gerais and São Paulo. The most controversial element is his allegation regarding the Minister of Finance Antonio Palocci who was mayor (1993-1996) of Ribeirão Preto and whom Buratti accuses of receiving 50 million reals from gargage collection firms.
  • August 20 - the magazine Veja, edition 1919, dated August 24, releases the allegations of Rogério Tadeu Buratti and the currency dealer "Toninho da Barcelona".
  • August 21 - the Minister of Finance Antonio Palocci makes a statement transmitted on television that denies "with vehemence" all of the allegations made by former advisor Rogério Tadeu Buratti.
  • August 23 - Former deputy and President of the Liberal Party Valdemar Costa Neto tells the CPI for the investigation of the Bingo scandal that he received from Workers' Party treasurer Delúbio Soares checks from the account of Marcos Valério of a total of R$ 6.5 million over 18 months until January 2005. According to Costa Neto, the money was used to pay debts of the campaign of Lula in São Paulo. He says that at first he didn't believe that the money he was receiving was illegal and he alleges the political agreement between PL and PT was normal and proper.
  • August 25 - Rogério Buratti testifies in front of the CPI investigating the Bingo scandal and confirms the claims about irregularities in the local government of Ribeirão Preto during the term of mayor Antonio Palocci, present day Minister of Finance.
  • August 25 - The House accepts the retirement of deputy Valdemar Costa Neto, granting his petition. Valdemar is able to receive a monthly pension of R$ 5.542 until the end of his life, except if he is reelected.
  • August 29 - Deputy André Costa (PT-RJ) announces his separation with the Workers Party (PT) and states that because of the scandal accusations he no longer supports the government and the party. Costa is the first deputy to abandon the party since the breaking of the scandal.[16]
  • August 29 - The Ethics Council recommends the expulsion of deputy Roberto Jefferson (PTB-RJ). The resolution needs to be affirmed by a Congressional vote to be enacted.[17]
  • August 30 - The newspaper Folha de S. Paulo publishes an interview with the President of the Chamber of the Deputies Severino Cavalcanti (PP-PE) where he defends lighter punishments for the guilty deputies. [18]
  • August 30 - Brazilian parliamentarians criticize Cavalcanti's statements. Senator Demostenes Torres (PFL-GO) accuses Cavalcanti of promoting an agreement to avoid the expulsion of some deputies. [19]

[edit] September

  • September 1 - The CPI for the Bingo scandal hears the ophthalmologist João Francisco Daniel, brother of the assassinated mayor of Santo André (SP), Celso Daniel (PT-SP). João says that his brother participated in a corruption scheme in the local district of Santo André used to collect funds for the Workers' Party (PT). According to João, Celso died after discovering that some people including the ex-bodyguard Sérgio Gomes da Silva (aka "O Sombra" or "The Shadow", suspected of having assassinated Celso Daniel) were diverting funds intended to reach the Workers' Party to themselves.
  • September 1 - João Francisco Daniel testifies before the CPI for the Bingo scandal that the money in the corruption scheme in Santo André was transported in suitcases and delivered to José Dirceu, during the period he was President of the Workers' Party (PT). João says that the present chief of Lula's cabinet Gilberto Carvalho took part in the scheme. Dirceu and Carvalho deny the accusations.
  • September 1 - The Post Office and Vote Buying parliamentary commissions unanimously approve their first joint preliminary report. The report accuses 18 deputies of involvement in the scandal.
  • September 12 - Deputy Carlos Rodrigues resigns. Rodrigues' name had appeared in the CPIs' first joint preliminary report in the list of the 18 deputies accused of involvement in the scandal.
  • September 13 - Political Coordination and Institutional Affairs ex-Minister Aldo Rebelo (PCdoB) confirms in front of the Council of Ethics that the deputy Roberto Jefferson warned Lula in March 2005 about the payments to deputies. According to Rebelo, Lula ordered an investigation and the question was shelved because of a concluded lack of evidence.
  • September 14 - The Brazilian Chamber of Deputies approves the expulsion of Deputy Roberto Jefferson (PTB-RJ), following the recommendation of the Council of Ethics.
  • September 15 - Post Oficce CPI reports that the bank accounts of eight enterprises belonging to Marcos Valério received 4.9 billion reals (about 2.24 billion U.S. dollars) between 2000 and 2005. The big financial activities are from DNA propaganda (2.6 billion reals) and SMPB (1,8 billion reals). The CPI's assistant reporter on financial activities, deputy Gustavo Fruet (PSDB-PR), says that the investigations show evidence of misrepresentation, corruption, illegal inducement, dishonest acts of administration and crimes against the finantial system.
  • September 20 - The convicted dollar dealer, Antônio Oliveira Claramunt - A.K.A. "Toninho da Barcelona", tells the Post Office, Bingo and Mensalão CPIs the money transferred to the Workers' Party (PT) by the Rural Bank came from foreign accounts belonging to Marcos Valério, and was introduced into Brazil through transactions with money changers. "Two schemes fattened the PT's account. These schemes involved the Rural Bank and the Bonus-Banval brokerage firm," says Barcelona. [20]
  • September 22 - President of Banco Rural Kátia Rabelo tells the Council of Ethics that "the Banco Rural was used by Marcos Valério" but denies any bank involvement in the corruption scheme. Rabelo says that Valério had scheduled meetings between the bank's leadership and government minister José Dirceu.
  • September 23 - The Executive offers 500 million reals to Brazilian parliamentarians' pet projects. The Minister of Planning, Budget, and Management Paulo Bernardo denies any relationship between the funds granted by the government and the upcoming election for the new President of the Congress.
  • September 27 - Testifying in the front of the Council of Ethics, Ex-minister and deputy José Dirceu denies participation by Lula or himself in any corruption scheme.
  • September 28 - The Government's candidate Aldo Rebelo from the Brazilian Communist Party wins the election for the Presidency of the House. The election is perceived as a victory for Lula and other politicians under pressure by the scandal.

[edit] October

  • October 5 - The main suspects in connection to the corruption allegations regarding contracts between the Brazilian public bank Caixa Econômica Federal and the enterprise Gtech confront each other in front of the Bingo CPI. Waldomiro Diniz, Enrico Gianelli, Rogério Buratti, Marcelo José Rovai, and Carlos Augusto de Almeida Ramos (Carlinhos Cachoeira) exchange insults and accusations.
  • October 6 - Bruno José Daniel Filho, younger brother of Celso Daniel, tells the Bingo CPI that the President's cabinet chief Gilberto Carvalho was aware of the alleged corruption scheme in the municipality of Santo André.
  • October 11 - Lula's former minister Ricardo Berzoini is elected new President of the Workers Party.
  • October 12 - The medical examiner responsible for examining the body of Celso Daniel, Carlos Delmonte Printes (55), is found dead in his residence by police. The physician is allegedly the seventh person in connection with the case to have been found dead under mysterious circumstances.
  • October 18 - The Council of Ethics' rapporteur in the case against deputy José Dirceu, deputy Júlio Delgado (PSB-Minas Gerais), calls for Dirceu's expulsion for breach of parliamentary decorum.
  • October 19 – Ex-treasurer for the President of the PSDB, Senator Eduardo Azeredo (Minas Gerais), tells the Post Office CPI of having received US$ 4.863 million (R$ 11 million) from Marcos Valério during Azeredo's gubernatorial reelection campaign in 1998.
  • October 25 – The President of PSDB, Senator Eduardo Azeredo, resigns his post. [21]
  • October 25 – Federal judge João Carlos da Rocha Mattos, arrested in November 2003 in São Paulo for alleged involvement in corruption involving influencing judicial sentences, testifies in front of the Bingo CPI claiming that the Workers Party didn’t want a full investigation of the murder of mayor Celso Daniel.
  • October 26 – Brothers of Celso Daniel, João Francisco and Bruno, confront presidential cabinet chief Gilberto Carvalho in the Bingo CPI. The brothers claim that Carvalho is aware of the alleged corruption scheme in Santo André, São Paulo. Both say that Carvalho transported a suitcase with money from the corruption scheme in Santo Andre by car to then Workers Party President José Dirceu. They also accuse the Workers Party of putting obstacles in the way of the investigation. Gilberto Carvalho denies all the accusations and accuses the brothers of disrespecting the memory of Celso Daniel.
  • October 28 - Attorney general Luciano Sampaio Gomes Rolim initiates legal action against José Dirceu for alleged impropriety. Documents brought forward by the Attorney General's office indicate that between 2003 and 2004 Dirceu organized a special privileged structure for granting federal money for his son, the mayor of Cruzeiro do Oeste (Paraná), José Carlos Becker de Oliveira (aka Zeca Dirceu).
  • October 30 – The Cuban embassy in Brasilia denies the allegations that Cuba illegally contributed to da Silva’s political campaign: "The Government of Cuba categorically rejects this slander and confirms it has never interfered in the internal affairs of a sister nation and attributes full responsibility for this propaganda scheme on the aggressive plans of the imperialists against Cuba and Lula".
  • October 31 - Leader of the Cuban Communist Party Sérgio Cervantes leaves Brazil without commenting on the information regarding Cuba.

[edit] November

  • November 1 - In Congress, deputy Antonio Carlos Magalhães Neto (PFL) says that he and his family are being spied on by ABIN agents. Like Virgílio, Magalhães Neto says that he is able to "trash" President Lula. In the Senate, senator Heloísa Helena (PSOL) says that she is also able to "trash" President Lula due to threats to her family.
  • November 1 - The Council of Ethics dismisses the expulsion process against the leader of the Liberal Party, deputy Sandro Mabel. The deputy Raquel Teixeira (PSDB) accused Mabel of trying to bribe her. The Council of Ethics' conclusion is that there is no evidence to back such a claim and it is boils down to the word of one against the other.
  • November 3 – The Post Office CPI rapporteur deputy Osmar Serraglio (PMDB-PR) and the deputy Eduardo Paes (PSDB-RJ) believe they are victims of eavesdropping attempts as well.
  • November 3 – The Post Office CPI rapporteur deputy Osmar Serraglio (PMDB-PR) claims to have discovered a scheme for diverting 10 million Reais (approximately US$ 4.5 million) from the state-run Banco do Brasil to the Worker's Party. According to Serraglio the money was transferred via the Visanet company to bank accounts held by the advertising executive Marcos Valério, and from there to the Workers Party.
  • November 3 – The businessman Roberto Colnaghi confirms he lent his Seneca airplane prefix PT-RSX in July 31, 2002, though he refuses to say exactly the name to whom he borrowed the plane to, declaring that “the identity is implicity”.
  • November 5 – The pilot Alécio Fongaro tells Folha de S. Paulo and Veja he flew from Brasilia to Campinas on July 31, 2002. The pilot says that he flew in company of Vladimir Poleto and 3 sealed boxes of whiskey. The Brazilian Civil Aviation Department (DAC) confirms the airplane’s route.
  • November 7 – President Lula says to the Brazilian TV show Roda Viva that the “mensalão” has never existed and it is piece of “folklore of the Congress”. Lula defends his former minister José Dirceu against the charges of improbity.
  • November 9 – The former Minister of Transportation Anderson Adauto (PL) says to the Vote Buying CPI that he used undeclared funds in 11 political campaigns. Adautos confirms he received 410,000 Reais (about U$ 187,138) from Marcos Valério.
  • November 9 – The Congress approves the Council of Ethics report which absolves the deputy Sandro Mabel (PL-GO).
  • November 10 – The former aid of Finance Minister Antonio Palocci, Rogério Buratti, says to the Bingo’s CPI that he was consulted by Ralf Barquete -close advisor of Palocci- about how to bring $3 million dollars from Cuba in 2002. According to Buratti, the money came and it was used in Lula’s political campaign.
  • November 10 – Lula prepares a political operation to the time-extension of the Post Office CPI. The Executive branch promises to free 1.2 billion Reais (547.72 million dollars) in appropriations for deputies who do not sign the extension bill. 35 deputies decide to remove their signatures. A preliminary count shows 170 signatures of deputies supporting the bill. Since the minimun number of signatures of deputies is 171, it seems that the extension will not be approved.
  • November 11 – A new count shows that there are signatures of 171 deputies and 35 senators supporting the extension of the works of the Post Office CPI. The bill is appoved and the Post Office CPI is extended for 120 days more, until 2006.
  • November 11 – The economist Vladimir Poleto - former aid of Treasury Minister Antonio Palocci when he was the Mayor of the city of Ribeirão Preto- speaks under a writ of habeas corpus (preventing his immediate arrest in case of perjury) to the Bingos CPI. Poleto alleges his interview to the Brazilian magazine Veja should not be considered reliable because he was threatened by the journalist and he spoke under the influence of alcohol. The economist told he transported 3 boxes of Johnnie Walker whiskey from Brasília to Campinas (by airplane) and from Campinas to São Paulo (by car) on July 31, 2002 as a favor to his friend Ralf Barquete. Poleto guarantees the shipment was only whiskey. The senators of the CPI asks Poleto to explain the motives for a complex and expensive operation to deliver an alcoholic beverage which can be easily bought in any Brazilian supermarket, including in São Paulo, the ultimate destination. Vladimir Poleto does not answer.
  • November 11 – The magazine Veja publishes on its website the audio file of the interview given by Vladimir Poleto. The senators of the Bingos CPI play the file in front of Poleto. The tape contradicts Poleto's previous statements. In the recording, the journalist begins the conversation with Poleto's verbal permission. Poleto's voice is also not slurred in any way, indicating that he was not drunk. The senators ridicule the testimony of Vladimir Poleto and they approve a statement asking for the indictment of Poleto for perjury.
  • November 16 – Afternoon. The minister of Finance Antonio Palocci speaks to the Brazilian Senate Economic Affairs Commission (CAE). The senators don't ask about the allegations of corruption involving the name of the Minister. The senators understand that the Minister should explain the accusations before a CPI. Palocci does make a short statement denying the accusations of corruption during his administration in Ribeirão Preto and of Cuban, FARC and Angola funds tied to the political campaing of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva in 2002, of which Palocci was one of the main coordinators.

[edit] Figures losing their posts as a result of the scandal

  1. Mauricio Marinho, Post Office Chief, May 14
  2. The director of the Post Office Administration, Antonio Osório Batista and his immediately assistant Fernando Godoy, May 16
  3. Luiz Appolonio Neto, President of the IRB, May 21
  4. The leadership of the Correios and of the IRB, June 7
  5. The directors of electrical firms: Dimas Fabiano Toledo, Rodrigo Botelho Campos e José Roberto Cesaroni Cury, June 30
  6. José Dirceu, Chief-of-Staff (analogous to British Cabinet Office), June 14
  7. Roberto Jefferson, President of PTB, June 17
  8. Silvio Pereira, Secretary-General of the PT, July 4
  9. Delúbio Soares, Treasurer of PT, July 5
  10. Glenio Guedes, Directory of the Conselho de Recursos do Sistema Financeiro, July 6
  11. José Adalberto Vieira da Silva, Aide to the deputy José Nobre Guimarães, July 8
  12. José Nobre Guimarães, Manager of the state directory of the PT-CE, July 9
  13. José Genoino, President of the Workers' Party (PT), July 9
  14. Marcelo Sereno, Communication Secretary of the PT, July 9
  15. Henrique Pizzolato, Director of marketing of the Banco do Brasil, July 10
  16. Luiz Gushiken, Ministério da Comunicação e Gestão Estratégica was relegated downwards, July 12.
  17. Luiz Gushiken was downgraded again. Left position as at Secretary of Communication to become an adviser to President Lula, July 21
  18. Valdemar Costa Neto, Federal deputy and president of the Liberal Party (PL), resigned his mandate, August 1
  19. Marcio Lacerda, Executive Secretary in the Ministry of National Integration, August 2
  20. Manoel Severino, President of the Casa da Moeda do Brasil, tendered resignation, August 3
  21. Danilo de Camargo, Coordinator of the Commission of Ethics in the PT, August 6
  22. Juscelino Antonio Dourado, Cabinet chief of Finance Minister, September 1

[edit] References

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