Language Policy of Pakistan
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Language policy in Pakistan Tariq Rahman This article examines the language policy of Pakistan and attempts to identify how it privileges certain languages, and to explore what political, social, educational, and economic consequences this policy entails.
Contents |
[edit] 1. Pakistan's languages
[edit] 2. Language in the Constitution of Pakistan
[edit] 3. Political Opposition to Urdu
[edit] 4. English in Pakistan
[edit] 5. The indigenous languages of Pakistan
[edit] 6. Conclusion
[edit] 7. See also
[edit] 8. References
1. Pakistan's Languages Pakistan is a multilingual country. Its national language, Urdu, is the mother tongue of only 7.57 % of the people, although it is very widely used in the urban areas of the country. Its official status is the same as it was when the British ruled the country as part of British India. Apart from Urdu and English, the country has five major languages: Punjabi, Pashto, Sindhi, Siraiki and Balochi. The number of languages listed in the Ethnologue (Gordon 2005) for Pakistan is 72. The Ethnologue, however, gives several dialects of a language as different languages, and includes English, Sign Language, Badeshi (which is dead) as languages. If these are excluded the number will come down to 55.
Table 1. Major languages in Pakistan (Source: Census 2001: 107)
Punjabi 44.15 Pashto 15.42 Sindhi 14.10 Siraiki 10.53 Urdu 7.57 Balochi 3.57 Others 4.66
2. Language in the Constitution of Pakistan There have been statements concerning language policy in various documents in Pakistan, including the different versions of the constitution, statements by governmental authorities in the legislative assembly debates, and, above all, the various documents relating to education policy which have been issued by almost every government. Language policies as seen in the 1973 Constitution of Pakistan are as follows:
(a) The National language of Pakistan is Urdu, and arrangements shall be made for its being used for official and other purposes within fifteen years from the commencing day. (b) Subject to clause (a) the English language may be used for official purposes until arrangements are made for its replacement by Urdu. (c) Without prejudice to the status of the National language, a Provincial Assembly may by law prescribe measures for the teaching, promotion and use of a provincial language in addition to the national language (Article 251). The national language is Urdu (national languages were Urdu and Bengali from 1955 until 1971, when East Pakistan became Bangladesh) though this language is, and has always been, the mother-tongue of a minority of the population of Pakistan. This minority came from India, mostly after the creation of Pakistan in 1947, and is termed Mohajir (refugee or immigrant). The rationale for this privileged status of Urdu, as given by the government of Pakistan, is that Urdu is so widely spread that it almost holds the status of being the second language of all Pakistanis. Above all, it is a symbol of unity, helping to create a unified ‘Pakistani’ identity. In this symbolic role, it serves the political purpose of resisting any ethnicity which could otherwise break the federation. As for the provision that other Pakistani languages may be used, it is explained that the state, being democratic and sensitive to the rights of the federal units, allows for the use of provincial languages, if desired. As for the medium of instruction, the rationale is that Urdu, the most widespread urban language, is the language used in education. As English is useful in official and international language instances, it, too, is taught at the higher levels, especially to those who study science and technology. 3.Political Opposition to Urdu One major consequence of Urdu’s privileged status has been the ethnic resistance to this status. As mentioned earlier, Urdu is not the mother tongue of most Pakistanis. However, Urdu is indeed the most widely understood language and is perhaps the major medium of interaction in the urban areas of the country. Even ethnic activists agree that it could be a useful link between the various ethnic groups. However, it has faced resistance because it has been patronized, often in insensitive ways, by the ruling elite in the centre. The most significant consequence of the policy stating that Urdu would be the national language of Pakistan was its opposition by the Bengali intelligentsia. As English was the language of the higher domains of power and Bengali was a ‘provincial’ language, the real issue was not linguistic. It was that the Bengali intelligentsia was deprived of its just share in power at the centre and even in East Bengal, where the most powerful and lucrative jobs were controlled by the West Pakistani bureaucracy and the military. Furthermore, the Bengalis were conscious that money from the Eastern region, from the export of jute and other products, was predominantly financing the development of West Pakistan or the army which, in turn, was West Pakistani- (or, rather, Punjabi) dominated (GOB, 1982: 810–811 (vol. 6); Jahan 1972). The language, Bengali, thus became a symbol of a consolidated Bengali identity in opposition to the West Pakistani identity. This symbol was used to ‘imagine’, or construct, a unified Bengali community, using mechanisms such as the use of the printing press in the European context (Anderson 1983). In Sindh, Balochistan, the N.W.F.P and South Western Punjab the languages used as identity symbols were Sindhi, Balochi, Brahvi, Pashto and Siraiki. The resulting linguistic mobilization (of especially the intelligentsia) made them powerful ethnic symbols, able to exert political pressure (Rahman 1996). However, Urdu was not resented or opposed much except in Sindh, where there were language riots in January 1971 and July 1972 (Ahmed 1992). But even in Sindh, the crucial issue was that of power. The Mohajirs were dominant in the urban areas and the rising Sindhi middle class resented this. The most evocative symbol with which to mobilize the community was language. Apart from the riots, the general population’s conduct remained pragmatic. The Mohajirs, knowing that they can get by without learning Sindhi, do not learn it except in rural areas where it is essential. The Sindhis, again because they know they cannot get by without learning Urdu, do learn it (Rahman 2002, Chapter 10). Minority language speakers often do not want to teach their language to their children, because it would overburden the children with far too many languages. For instance, Sahibzada Abdul Qayyum Khan (1864–1937) reported in 1932 that the Pashtuns wanted their children to be instructed in Urdu rather than Pashto (LAD-F 12 October 1932: 132). In Baluchistan, too, the same phenomenon was noticed. Balochi, Brahvi, and Pashto were introduced as the compulsory medium of instruction in government schools in 1990 (LAD-B 21 June and 15 April 1990). Language activists enthusiastically prepared instructional material but, on 8 November 1992, these languages were made optional and parents opted for Urdu as the medium of instruction for their children (Rahman 1996: 169). Such decisions negatively influence the survival of minor languages and even somewhat devalue major languages. 4. English in Pakistan English was supposed to continue as the official language of Pakistan until the time that the national language(s) replaced it. However, this date came and went, as did many other dates before it and English is as firmly entrenched in the domains of power in Pakistan today as it was in 1947. The major reason for this is that this is the de jure but not the de facto policy of the ruling elite in Pakistan. The de facto policy can be understood with reference to the elite’s patronage of English in the name of efficiency and modernization.
Initially the Civil Service of Pakistan (CSP) was an Anglicized body of men who had moulded themselves in the tradition of the British. The officer corps of the armed forces, as Stephen P. Cohen suggests, was also Anglicized. It was, in his words, the ‘British generation’ which dominated the army until 1971 (Cohen 1994: 162–163). It is understandable that members of this elite group had a stake in the continuation of English because it differentiated them from the masses. It gave them a competitive edge over those with an Urdu-medium or traditional (madrassa) education and, above all, it was the kind of cultural capital which held an elitist position and constituted a class-identity marker. At present, the rising educated elite, even when it comes from rural areas, has invested in a parallel system of elitist schooling of which the defining feature is teaching all subjects other than Urdu through the English medium. This has created new generations of young people who have a direct stake in preserving English. In recent years, with more young people from the affluent classes taking the British ‘O’ and ‘A’ level examinations, with the world-wide coverage of the BBC and CNN, with globalization and the presence of English as a world language, with stories of young people emigrating all over the world armed with English, English has become a commodity more in demand than ever before. As mentioned earlier, the British colonial government and its successor, the Pakistani government, have rationed out English. Their stated policy was to support Urdu but their underlying aim was perhaps only to create a subordinate bureaucracy at a low cost (vernacular-medium education is less expensive than English-medium education) and to maintain an anti-ethnic and ideological symbol within the country. The armed forces, which were better organized than any other section of society, created cadet colleges from the 1950s onwards. These schools, run on the lines of the elitist British public schools, were subsidized by the state. Today these public schools are as well-entrenched in the educational system of the country. In short, by supporting English through a parallel system of elitist schooling, Pakistan’s ruling elite acts as an ally of the forces of globalization at least as far as the hegemony of English is concerned. The major consequence of this policy is the weakening of local languages and the lowering of their status. 5. The Indigenous Languages of Pakistan In Pakistan, as mentioned earlier, the linguistic hierarchy is as follows: English, Urdu, and local languages. In the N.W.F.P and Sindh, however, Pashto and Sindhi are seen as identity markers and are spoken informally. In Punjab, unfortunately, there is a widespread culture-shame about Punjabi (Mansoor 1993: 132). Many educated parents speak Urdu rather than Punjabi with their children.
Such prevailing attitudes have a negative effect on Pakistani languages. Urdu is secure because of the huge pool of people very proficient in it and especially because it is used in lower level jobs, the media, education, the court system, commerce, and other such domains in Pakistan. Punjabi is a large language and will survive despite culture shame and neglect. It is used in the Indian Punjab in many domains of power and, what is even more significant, it is the language of songs, jokes, intimacy, and informality in both Pakistan and India. This makes it the language of private pleasure and if it continues to be used in this manner, it is in no real danger. Sindhi and Pashto are both major languages and their speakers have a sense of pride. Sindhi is also used in the domains of power and is the major language of education in rural Sindh. Pashto is not a major language of education, nor is it used in the domains of power in Pakistan. However, its speakers see it as their identity marker and it is used in some domains of power in Afghanistan. It, too, will survive, although the Pashto variety which is spoken in cities in Pakistan is now adulterated with Urdu words. Educated Pashtuns often code-switch between Pashto and Urdu or English. Thus, the language is under some pressure. Balochi and Brahvi are small languages under much pressure from Urdu. However, there is awareness among educated Balochs that their languages must be preserved. As they are not used in the domains of power, they will survive as informal languages in the private domain. Nevertheless, the city varieties of these languages will become very ‘Urdufied’. About fifty five very small languages of Pakistan, mostly in Northern Pakistan, are under tremendous pressure. The Karakorum Highway linking these areas to the plains has placed much pressure on these languages. The language activists of these areas agree that their languages should be preserved, but are so appreciative of the advantages of the highway that they accept the threat to their languages with equanimity. Urdu and English words have already entrenched themselves in Shina and Burushaski and, as people emigrate to the cities, they are shift to Urdu. In the city of Karachi the Gujrati language is being abandoned, at least in its written form, as young people seek to be literate in Urdu and English – the languages used in the domains of power. In Sindh there are small languages so lexically close to larger ones that it is difficult to determine whether they are, in fact, varieties of the larger languages or were different languages but are now shifting towards the larger ones under pressure.
6. Conclusion In short, while only the remotest and smallest of the languages of Pakistan are in danger of dying, other languages have decreased in stature. The undue prestige of English and Urdu has made all other languages burdens rather than assets. This is the beginning of language sickness, if not death. The main point is that as small and isolated communities open up to the forces of modernity, their languages come under threat and may disappear if nothing is done to reverse the language shift. 7. See alsolanguage death; Politics of Pakistan; Education in Pakistan; ethnicity; ethnic nationalism; language planning; language politics; language policy
8.REFERENCES
- Ahmed, Feroze
1992 The language question in Sind. In Regional Imbalances and the Regional Question in Pakistan, Akbar S. Zaidi (ed.), 139-155. Lahore: Vanguard Books.
- Anderson, Benedict
1983 Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London: Verso.
- Baart, Joan and Rehman, Khwaja A
2003 ‘The Language of the Kandal Shahi Qureshis in Azad Kashmir’, Unpublished manuscript [I am grateful to the authors for showing it to me].
- Baart, Joan L. G
1999 A Sketch of Kalam Kohistani Grammar. Islamabad: National Institute of Pakistan Studies and Summer Institute of Languistics.
- Breton, Roland J. L
1997 Atlas of the Languages and Ethnic Communities of South Asia. New Delhi: Sage Publications.
- Census
2001 1998 Census Report of Pakistan Islamabad: Population Census Organization Statistics Division. Govt of Pakistan.
- Cohen, Stephen P
1994 The Pakistan Army. Edition used. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1998
- GOB
1982 History of Bangladesh War of Independence, Vol. 6. Dhaka: Government of Bangladesh, Ministry of Information.
- Gordon, Raymond G. Jr. (ed)
2005 Ethnologue: languages of the World 15th edition Dallas, Tx: SIL International. Online version: http://www.ethnologue.com/.
- Jahan, Rounaq
1972 Pakistan: Failure in national Integration. New York: Columbia University Press.
- LAD-B.
Legislative Assembly Debates of Baluchistan (dates and other details follow in the text)
- LAD-F
Legislative Assembly Debates of the North-West Frontier Province (dates and other details follow in the text).
- Lunsford, Wayne A
2001 An Overview of Linguistic Structures in Torwali: A Language of Northern Pakistan. The University of Texas, Arlington, M. A. Thesis.
- Mansoor, Sabiha
1993 Punjabi, Urdu, English in Pakistan: A Sociolinguistic Study. Lahore: Vanguard.
- Rahman, Tariq
1996 Language and Polities in Pakistan Karachi, Oxford University Press.
- Rahman, Tariq
2002 Language, Ideology and Power, Language Learning Among the Muslims of Pakistan and North India Karachi: Oxford University Press.
- SSNP
1992 Sociolinguistic Survey of Northern Pakistan 5 Vols. Islamabad: National Institute of Pakistan Studies and Summer Institute of Linguistics.
- SSNP-2 Languages of Northern Areas. Vol.2 (eds.) Backstrom, Peter C. and Radloff, Carla F. As above.
- SSNP-3
Hindko and Gujari. Vol.3. (eds.) Rensch, C.R; Hallberg, C.E. and O’ Leary, Clare F. As above.
- SSNP-4
Pashto, Wanechi, Ormuri. Vol.4 (ed.) Hallberg, D.G. As above.
- SSNP-5
Language of Chitral. Vol.5. (ed..) Decker, Kendall D. As above.
- Zaman, Muhammad
2002 Report on Language Survey Trip to the Bishigram Valley. http://www.geocities.com/kcs_kalam/ushoji.html. Tariq Rahman (Completed on 29 September 2006)
