Jaguars in Mesoamerican culture
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The jaguar played an important role in the culture and religion of Pre-Columbian Mesoamerica.
Quick, agile, and powerful enough to take down the largest prey of the jungle, the jaguar is the largest of the big cats in the Americas, and one of the most efficient and ferocious predators. Endowed with a magnificent spotted coat and well adapted for the jungle, hunting either in the trees or water, making it one of the few felines tolerant of water, the jaguar was and still is revered among the indigenous Americans who reside closely with the jaguar. For the Olmec and the Maya, this regal feline became a symbol of authority and one's prowess in hunting and battle, as well as an integral part of mythology and a powerful spirit companion for shamans.
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[edit] Olmec "were-jaguar" motif
The Olmec civilization was first defined as a distinctive art style. The various sculpture, figurines, and celts which emerged in what is now recognized as the Olmec heartland off the Gulf of Mexico Coast near the Yucatán Peninsula, revealed that these people knew their jungle companions well and incorporated them into their mythology.
One of the most prominent, distinctive, and enigmatic Olmec designs to appear in the archaeological record has been what archaeologists traditionally call the "were-jaguar". Although the most commonly found were-jaguars were figurines of were-jaguar babies, the motif can also be found carved into jade “votive axes” and celts engraved onto various portable figurines of jade and jadeite, and depicted on several altars at La Venta.
The were-jaguar figure can also be characterized by a distinctive down-turned mouth, almond-shaped eyes, and fleshy lips. Additionally, the were-jaguar is often depicted with a cleft forehead, similar to the male jaguar which has a cleft running vertically the length of its head.
[edit] Many interpretations
Originally scholars believed that the predominance of the were-jaguar motif was possibly connected to a religious mythology that derived from the story of copulation between a male jaguar and a female human. Murals and statues from sites like Chalcatzingo and Potrero Nuevo seemed to reinforce this idea. However, scholars like Carolyn Tate (1999), Carson Murdy (1981), Whitney Davis (1978), and Peter Furst (1981) have proposed alternative ideas for the notions of human-jaguar copulation and the representation of jaguar characteristics.
Davis (1978) suggests, for instance, that the depictions of human-jaguar copulation on monuments at Laguna de los Cerros, Potrero Nuevo, and Rio Chiquito, as well as reliefs as Chalcatzingo, are perhaps the beginnings of a jaguar cult or are representative of conquest in battle rather than something more sexual. Instead of viewing the people and jaguar-figures in sexual situations, Davis sees the jaguar, or man in jaguar pelts, as an aggressor towards a defeated opponent. Most of the figures in the reliefs and monuments are clothed in loincloths, which would negate copulation, and Davis believes those that are naked appear dead or dying rather than in a sexual posture. It is not uncommon to see unclothed human figures as representative of dead captives or opponents in battle, as in the Danzantes of Monte Alban.
Even before Davis (1978) questioned the idea of a belief system centering on human-jaguar copulation, scholars like Michael Coe (1962) looked for other biological causes for the fleshy lips, cleft head, and toothless mouths that make up the were-jaguar motif. Genetic abnormalities like Down syndrome and spina bifida have been common explanations. People afflicted with spina bifida in particular present developmental defects that coincide with the were-jaguar characteristics. One such condition is encephaloceles, which among other things, can cause separation of the cranial sutures and result in depression, or cleft, in the head (Murdy 1981:863). Cranium bifidum can produce similar results. In addition, there is a higher chance of these conditions occurring within the same family, than randomly throughout the population (Murdy 1981: 863). If children born with this affliction were seen as divine or special in some way, multiple births of affected children within a family or familial line would have reinforced that family’s political and religious power.
[edit] Not a jaguar, but a toad
Other ideas about the meaning of the were-jaguar motif question whether or not the diagnostic traits of the motif actually represent a jaguar. The cleft head of the “were-jaguar” is most often called into question. The cleft has been seen to represent a trait of the toad, as a “gender-specific female symbol” (Furst 1981: 151), or as distinguishing mark of a rain or maize supernatural being.
Several characteristics of the toad have led some to believe that the were-jaguar motif does not actually represent a jaguar. Species of toad that are commonly found in Mesoamerica, like Bufo marinus or Bufo valliceps have the pronounced cleft in the head, and like all toads have a fleshy mouth with toothless gums. These species of toad are known to have ceremonial and hallucinogenic properties for many cultures of Mesoamerica. Skeletal remains of these species, particularly B. marinus, have been found at several archaeological sites in Mesoamerica including Olmec ceremonial centers.
Those were-jaguar representations that have fangs commonly attributed as jaguar fangs can also be explained as toad-like. Several times a year, mature toads shed their skin. As the old skin is shed, the toad will eat it. As the skin is eaten it hangs out of the toad’s mouth and closely resembles the fangs of the were-jaguar. The process of regeneration could have symbolized death and rebirth in the earth and its maize crops. The toad then would have been seen as holding powers connected to rain and maize, which the Mesoamericans would have to draw upon through religious artifacts like the were-jaguar celts or the Las Limas figure.
[edit] Maize god
Since some Olmec gods are depicted with a distinct cleft on the forehead -- which reinforces this characteristic as divine -- a cleft forehead may further serve a symbolic purpose. A carved celt from Veracruz shows a representation of God II, or the Maize God, growing corn from his cleft, and also shows this god with the snarling face associated with the jaguar (Coe 1972:3). Thus, the cleft is seen as a sign of fertility, and associates the jaguar with fertility.
[edit] Connection with the Mixe
Contemporary studies of Mixe shamanism and indigenous beliefs show similarities to Olmec ritual practices that have been discovered through archaeology. Both the modern and ancient practices are connected to ideas represented in design elements of the were-jaguar motif. It is commonly accepted that the Olmec spoke some form of a Mixe-Zoquean language, and are theorized by some to be the ancestors of modern Mixe speakers, at least in language and religious practices.
It is suggested that the key to understanding the religious connotations of the were-jaguar motif can be found by comparing the large serpentine mosaic offerings found at La Venta to contemporary Mixe indigenous beliefs. At La Venta, large mosaics in the form of the were-jaguar were buried deep underground, possibly creating a source of spiritual power. The mosaics potentially represent beliefs that are still found in the Mixe culture today. For example, the Mixe spiritual entity for water and life is closely associated with the fontanelle, an area of incompletely formed cranial bones in infants. It is thought of as a means of communication with gods or deities in several indigenous North American cultures. The cleft head in the were-jaguar motif could represent the fontanelle associated with the Mixe water supernatural.
The were-jaguar motif has also been associated with the bar-and-four-dots design found on the La Venta mosaics as well as many other were-jaguar designs in the form of a headband with four dots, or maize seeds, on it. The bar-and-four-dots is seen by many archaeologists as a symbol of earth and fertility. In modern Mixe culture, the earth supernatural being is associated with the northern direction and the color dark green (Tate 1999: 179). The La Venta mosaics can be related to these contemporary beliefs because the mosaics are located on the northern axis of La Venta and are made from dark green stones.
The two were-jaguars depicted on Altar 5 at La Venta as being carried out from a niche or cave -- places often associated with the emergence of human beings -- may be mythic hero twins essential to Olmec mythology (Coe 2002:75-76) and/or perhaps forerunners of the Maya Hero Twins.
At La Venta, it is easily seen how the were-jaguar motif relates to both rain and earth/maize spiritual entities.
[edit] Summary
There are many theories and associations that swirl around the were-jaguar motif and they need not be not mutually exclusive. It is possible that were-jaguars meant different things at different times during the Olmec period or to the many different people who created the images. The matter is far from settled.
[edit] Jaguars and shamans
The jaguar is also important for shamans who often associate the jaguar as a spirit companion or nagual, which will protect the shaman from evil spirits and when they move between the earth and the spirit realm. In order for the shaman to combat whatever evil forces may be maligning him, or those who rely on the shaman for protection, it is necessary for the shaman to transform himself and crossover to the spirit realm. The jaguar is often chosen as a nagual because of its strength, for it is necessary that the shaman "dominate the spirits, in the same way as a predator dominates its prey" (Saunders 1998:30). The jaguar is said to possess the transient ability of moving between worlds because of its comfort in the trees and the water, their ability to hunt as well in the nighttime as in the daytime, and their habit of sleeping in caves, places often associated with the deceased ancestors. The concept of the transformation of the shaman is well documented in Mesoamerica and South America, and is demonstrated in the context of the Olmec through the prominence of the were-jaguar, and other sculpture illustrating jaguar transformation.
[edit] Jaguars and the Maya
Integration of the jaguar into the sacred and secular realms of the Maya is proven in the archaeological record. The Maya, whose territory spanned the Yucatán Peninsula all the way to the Pacific coast of Guatemala, were a literate society who left behind documentation of their lives (mostly the lives of the aristocracy) and belief system in the form of bas-relief sculpture on temples, stelae, and pottery. Often depicted on these artifacts are the gods the Maya revered, and it is no coincidence that these gods often have jaguar attributes. As stated earlier, the jaguar is said to have the ability to cross between worlds, and for the Maya daytime and nighttime represented two different worlds. The living and the earth is associated with the day, and the spirit world and the ancestors are associated with the night. As the jaguar is quite at home in the nighttime, the jaguar is believed to part of the underworld thus, "Maya gods with jaguar attributes or garments are underworld gods" (Benson 1998:64). One such god is God L, who is "the primary lord of the underworld" and is often shown with a jaguar ear, or jaguar attire, and atop a jaguar throne (Benson 1998: 64-65). Not only is the underworld associated with the ancestors, but it is also understood as where plants originate. In addition, the Maya's source of fresh water comes from underground pools in the porous limestone that makes up the Yucatán, called cenotes. These associations with water and plants further reinforce the notion of the jaguar as a god of fertility.
The jaguar is further associated with vegetation and fertility by the Maya with what is known as the Waterlily jaguar, which is depicted with having water lilies sprouting from its head (Benson 1998:64-67).
The jaguar's brilliant coat no doubt made it quite desirable, however not all were allowed to don the jaguar pelt as it became identification of the ruling class for the Maya. Not only did Maya kings wear jaguar pelts, but they also adopted the jaguar as part of their ruling name as a symbol of their might and authority. One such ruling family to incorporate the jaguar into their name is known as Jaguar Paw, who ruled the Maya city of Tikal in the fourth century. Jaguar Paw I was ousted by central Mexicans from Teotihuacán, and it was not until late in the fifth century that the Jaguar Paw family returned to power (Coe 1999: 90). Other Maya rulers to incorporate the jaguar name include, Scroll Jaguar, Bird Jaguar, and Moon Jaguar, just to name a few (Coe 1999: 247-48). In addition to the ruling class, the jaguar was also associated with warriors and hunters. Those who excelled in hunting and warfare often adorned themselves with jaguar pelts, teeth, or claws, and were "regarded as possessing feline souls" (Saunders 1998: 26).
[edit] Summary
For those who resided in or near the tropical jungle, the jaguar was well known and became incorporated into the lives of those who lived in these areas. The jaguar's formidable size, reputation as a predator, and its evolved capacities to survive in the jungle made it an animal to be revered. The Olmec and the Maya witnessed this advanced animal, adopting the jaguar as an authoritative and martial symbol, and incorporated this magnificent beast into their mythology. The jaguar stands today, as it did in the past, as an important symbol for the sacred and profane lives of those who coexist with this majestic feline.
[edit] References
- Benson, E.P. (1998) "The Lord, The Ruler: Jaguar Symbolism in the Americas." In N.J. Saunders (ed), Icons of Power: Feline Symbolism in the Americas. London: Routledge: 53-76.
- Coe, M.D. (1972) "Olmec Jaguars and Olmec Kings." In E.P. Benson (ed), The Cult of the Feline. Washington D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks: 1-12.
- Coe, M.D. (1999) The Maya. London: Thames and Hudson: 90, 247-48.
- Coe, M.D. (2002) Mexico: From the Olmecs to the Aztecs. London: Thames and Hudson: 64, 75-76.
- Davis, Whitney. 1978. "So-Called Jaguar-Human Copulation Scenes in Olmec Art". American Antiquity 43(3): 453-457.
- Furst, Peter T. 1981. "Jaguar Baby or Toad Mother: A New Look at an Old Problem in Olmec Iconography", in The Olmec and Their Neighbors, edited by E.P. Benson, Washington D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks: pp 149-162.
- Murdy, Carson N. 1981. "Congenital Deformities and the Olmec Were-Jaguar Motif", American Antiquity 46(4): 861-871.
- Tate, Carolyn E. 1999. "Patrons of Shamanic Power: La Venta’s Supernatural Entities in Light of Mixed Beliefs", Ancient Mesoamerica, 10: 169-188.
- Saunders, N.J. (1998) "Architecture of Symbolism: The Feline Image." In N.J. Saunders (ed), Icons of Power: Feline Symbolism in the Americas. London: Routledge: 12-52.
