History of the United States Democratic Party

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The History of the Democratic Party is an account of the oldest political party in the United States of America.

For information about the current party and its beliefs, as well as a more concise history of the party, see Democratic Party (United States).

Contents 1 Origins 2 The Jackson Movement 3 Jacksonian democracy: 1828-1854 4 Civil War, Reconstruction, Gilded Age: 1854-1896 4.1 Ethnocultural Politics: pietistic Republicans versus liturgical Democrats 5 The Bryan Movement 6 Bryan, Wilson, Progressivism: 1896-1932 7 The New Deal 8 Truman to Kennedy: 1945-1963 9 Civil Rights Movement 10 1972 to 1999 10.1 1980s: Battling Reaganism 10.2 The South Becomes Republican 10.3 1990s 11 21st century 11.1 Election of 2000 11.2 2001-2003 11.3 Election of 2004 11.4 2005 - present 12 Symbols 13 See also 14 Notes 15 References 15.1 Secondary sources 15.2 Before 1932 15.3 Since 1932 15.4 Popular histories 15.5 Primary sources

[edit] Origins

See also: First Party System

The Democratic Party evolved from the political factions that opposed Alexander Hamilton's fiscal policies in the early 1790s; these factions are known variously as the Anti-Administration “Party” or the Anti-Federalists. In the mid-1790s, Thomas Jefferson, and James Madison organized these factions into a party and helped define its ideology in favor of yeomen farmers, strict construction of the Constitution, and a weaker federal government. They named it the "Republican Party," although it soon took the name Democratic-Republican Party. An entirely separate grass-roots movement, the Democratic-Republican Societies, which sprang up across the country in 1793–94, were not officially affiliated with the new party, but many local Democratic-Republican leaders were also leaders of the societies. The new party was effective in building a network of newspapers in major cities to broadcast its policies and editorialize in its favor.

In 1796, the Democratic-Republican Party made its first bid for the Presidency with Jefferson as its presidential candidate and Aaron Burr as its vice presidential candidate. Jefferson came in second in the electoral college and became vice president. He was a consistent and strong opponent of the policies of the John Adams administration. Jefferson and Madison, through the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions, announced the “Principles of 1798,” which became the hallmark of the party. The party saw itself as the true champion of republicanism, and its opponents as favoring aristocracy rather than rule by the people.

The party generally opposed such Federalist policies as high tariffs, a navy, military spending, a national debt, and a national bank until 1816. After the War of 1812, however, the party split on these issues. Many younger party leaders, notably Henry Clay, John Quincy Adams and John C. Calhoun, became nationalists and wanted to build a strong national defense. Meanwhile, the "Old Republican" faction led by John Randolph of Roanoke, William H. Crawford and Nathaniel Macon continued to oppose these policies. The opposition Federalist Party, suffering from a lack of leadership after the death of Alexander Hamilton and the retirement of John Adams, quickly declined; it revived briefly in opposition to the War of 1812 but the extremism of its Hartford Convention of 1815 utterly destroyed it as a political force.

In 1824, most of the party in Congress boycotted the traditional Congressional nominating caucus; those that adhered to it backed William Crawford for President. The Crawford faction included most "Old Republicans," who remained committed to states' rights and the Principles of 1798, and were distrustful of the nationalizing program promoted by Henry Clay and John Calhoun.

The particularly bitter election was thrown to the House of Representatives after no candidate received a majority of electoral votes, and John Quincy Adams was elected president after being supported by House Speaker Henry Clay. Adams appointed Clay as Secretary of State. Their party came to be known as the "National Republicans," indicating continuity with the Republicans, but the name did not catch on. Many former members of the defunct Federalist Party (including Daniel Webster) joined their party. Following the lead of former Crawford supporter Martin Van Buren, the Old Republicans mostly supported Andrew Jackson by the late 1820s.

[edit] The Jackson Movement

The Tennessee legislature nominated General Andrew Jackson, hero of the Battle of New Orleans, for President in 1822, as did a convention of Pennsylvanian Democratic-Republicans in March of 1824. Jackson, having won a plurality of the popular votes in 1824 and electoral votes in 1825, denounced the election as a "corrupt bargain" between John Quincy Adams and Henry Clay. He resigned from the United States Senate and launched a stronger campaign to put himself in the White House. The Tennessee legislature again nominated Jackson for the presidency in 1825. With the end of the Congressional nominating caucus in 1824, various state conventions and localities put forward endorsements of Jackson or of the incumbent Adams for the presidency.^[1]

During his second campaign for the presidency, Jackson did not refer to himself as a member of any party; he did not have a ticket with candidates for state office, and he issued no platform. In essence, he did not operate a political party. Working closely with state leaders, especially Martin Van Buren of New York, Thomas Ritchie of Virginia, and Vice President John C. Calhoun of South Carolina, he forged an ad-hoc coalition. The Jacksonians emerged as the winners in the late 1820s as Adams was handily defeated in 1828. Led by brilliant organizer Martin Van Buren, they built a new party with both a national base, led by Jackson and Van Buren, and powerful local bases in the states, comprising local political leaders who called themselves "Jackson Men." Van Buren is credited by historians as the organizational genius orchestrating Jackson's victory in 1828; he won over Adams by 178-83 in the electoral college, and he had a popular vote total of 647,000 to 508,000 for Adams. The Jacksonians resembled the Jeffersonians especially in terms of anti-elite rhetoric of opposition to "aristocracy," distrust of banks (and paper money), and faith in "the people." Robert Remini gives special credit as well to organizational work by James Buchanan of Pennsylvania, Caleb Atwater of Ohio, Francis P. Blair and Amos Kendall of Kentucky, Isaac Hill of New Hampshire, Edward Livingston of Louisiana, John H. Eaton and William B. Lewis of Tennessee.^[2]

By using federal patronage extensively, President Jackson removed old office-holders to make way for party loyalists. A national convention was held in 1832 to choose a new running mate for Jackson, as Calhoun had become estranged from him. The convention nominated Martin Van Buren for vice president and endorsed the reelection of Jackson.^[3] Jackson defeated the National Republican candidate Henry Clay in 1832 by an even greater margin than his victory over Adams in 1828. The term "Democrat" was first used in the 1830s, about the time the opposition Whig Party was formed by Clay. In the realignment of 1828-32, some of Jackson's supporters from the contest of 1828, especially businessmen and bankers, switched to the opposition Whig Party as Jackson crusaded against the Second Bank of the United States.

[edit] Jacksonian democracy: 1828-1854

See also: Second Party System

In the days of Jacksonian democracy, the Democratic Party was a coalition of farmers throughout the country, workers in cities, Irish Catholics, and local or state political leaders. It was weakest in New England (the old Federalist stronghold), but dominant in most of the rest of the country. The key issues it promoted were opposition to elites and aristocrats, popular democracy (in terms of voting rights and access to government patronage jobs) and opposition to the Bank of the United States. Banking and tariffs were the central domestic policy issues from 1828 to 1848. The Democrats favored the war with Mexico (Whigs opposed), and opposed anti-immigrant nativism. Both the Democrats and Whigs were divided on the issue of slavery. In the 1830s the Loco-Focos in New York City were radically democratic, anti-monopoly, and proponents of laissez-faire. Their chief spokesman was William Leggett.

The Democrats lost the presidency in 1840 to William Henry Harrison, only to gain it back in 1844 with James Polk. In state after state the Democrats gained small but permanent advantages over the Whigs, until by 1852 the Whig party was fatally weakened and soon vanished. However the slavery issue also split the Democrats in two in 1848 and again in 1860.

[edit] Civil War, Reconstruction, Gilded Age: 1854-1896

See also: Third Party System

The Democratic Party was unable to match the newly formed and united Republican Party, which controlled nearly all northern states by 1860, bringing a solid majority in the electoral college. The Republicans had many issues, but perhaps the most effective was the allegation that the northern Democrats, including Doughfaces like Pierce and Buchanan, and advocates of popular sovereignty like Douglas and Lewis Cass, were accomplices to the Slave Power. The Republicans meant by Slave Power the conspiracy of slaveholders to seize control of the federal government and block the progress of liberty.

In 1860 the Democrats were unable to stop the election of Republican Abraham Lincoln, even as they feared his election would lead to the Civil War. The party split in two. The northern wing nominated nominated Stephen A. Douglas, and the southern win nominated Vice President John C. Breckinridge. Douglas campaigned across the country and came in second in the popular vote, but carried only Missouri. Breckinridge carried 11 slave states.

The Republican Party was beginning a 40-year era of dominance (1858-1896). During the war, Northern Democrats divided into two factions, War Democrats, who supported the military policies of President Lincoln, and Copperheads, who strongly opposed them. Historian Kenneth Stampp has captured the Copperhead spirit in his depiction of Congressman Daniel W. Voorhees of Indiana:

There was an earthy quality in Voorhees, "the tall sycamore of the Wabash." On the stump his hot temper, passionate partisanship, and stirring eloquence made an irresistible appeal to the western Democracy. His bitter cries against protective tariffs and national banks, his intense race prejudice, his suspicion of the eastern Yankee, his devotion to personal liberty, his defense of the Constitution and state rights faithfully reflected the views of his constituents. Like other Jacksonian agrarians he resented the political and economic revolution then in progress. Voorhees idealized a way of life which he thought was being destroyed by the current rulers of his country. His bold protests against these dangerous trends made him the idol of the Democracy of the Wabash Valley.^[4]

The Democrats lost consecutive presidential elections from 1860 through 1872, with 1876 in dispute, and 1884 their next victory. The Democrats were shattered by the war but nevertheless benefited from white Southerners' resentment of Reconstruction and consequent hostility to the Republican Party. Once the Redeemers gave the Democrats control of every Southern state (by the Compromise of 1877), the disenfranchisement of blacks began. From 1880 to 1960 the "Solid South" voted Democratic in presidential elections (except 1928). After 1900 the southern states used primaries and victory in the Democratic primary was "tantamount to election" because the GOP was so weak.

Though Republicans continued to control the White House until 1884, the Democrats remained competitive, especially in the mid-Atlantic and lower Midwest, and controlled the House of Representatives for most of that period. In the election of 1884, Grover Cleveland, the reforming Democratic Governor of New York, won the Presidency, a feat he repeated in 1892, having lost in the election of 1888.

Cleveland was the leader of the Bourbon Democrats. They represented business interests, supported banking and railroad goals, promoted laissez-faire capitalism, opposed imperialism and U.S. overseas expansion, opposed the annexation of Hawaii, fought for the gold standard, and opposed Bimetallism. They strongly supported reform movements such as Civil Service Reform and opposed corruption of city bosses, leading the fight against the Tweed Ring. The leading Bourbons included Samuel J. Tilden, David Bennett Hill and William C. Whitney of New York, Arthur Pue Gorman of Maryland, Thomas F. Bayard of Delaware, William L. Wilson of West Virginia, John Griffin Carlisle of Kentucky, William F. Vilas of Wisconsin, J. Sterling Morton of Nebraska, John M. Palmer of Illinois, Horace Boies of Iowa, Lucius Quintus Cincinnatus Lamar of Mississippi, and railroad builder James J. Hill of Minnesota. A prominent intellectual was Woodrow Wilson. The Bourbons were in power when the The Panic of 1893 hit, and they took the blame. A fierce struggle inside the party ensued, with catastrophic losses for both the Bourbon and agrarian factions in 1894, leading to the showdown in 1896.

[edit] Ethnocultural Politics: pietistic Republicans versus liturgical Democrats

Religious lines were sharply drawn.^[5] Methodists, Congregationalists, Presbyterians, Scandinavian Lutherans and other pietists in the North were tightly linked to the Republican Party. In sharp contrast, liturgical groups, especially the Catholics, Episcopalians, and German Lutherans, looked to the Democratic Party for protection from pietistic moralism, especially prohibition. Both parties cut across the class structure, with the Democrats more bottom-heavy.

Cultural issues, especially prohibition and foreign language schools became important because of the sharp religious divisions in the electorate. In the North, about 50% of the voters were pietistic Protestants (Methodists, Scandinavian Lutherans, Presbyterians, Congregationalists, Disciples of Christ) who believed the government should be used to reduce social sins, such as drinking. Liturgical churches (Roman Catholics, German Lutherans, Episcopalians) comprised over a quarter of the vote and wanted the government to stay out of the morality business. Prohibition debates and referenda heated up politics in most states over a period of decade, as national prohibition was finally passed in 1918 (and repealed in 1932), serving as a major issue between the wet Democracy and the dry GOP.^[6]

[edit] The Bryan Movement

Cleveland led the conservative, pro-business Bourbon Democrat faction but as the depression of 1893 deepened his enemies multiplied. At the 1896 convention the silverite-agrarian faction repudiated the president, and nominated the crusading orator William Jennings Bryan on a platform of free coinage of silver. The idea was that minting silver coins would flood the economy with cash and end the depression. Cleveland supporters formed a third party of Gold Democrats, which attracted politicians and intellectuals (including Woodrow Wilson and Frederick Jackson Turner) who refused to vote Republican.

Bryan, an overnight sensation because of his "Cross of Gold" speech, waged a new style crusade against the supporters of the gold standard. Crisscrossing the Midwest and East by special train—he was the first candidate ever to go on the road—he gave over 500 speeches to audiences in the millions. In St. Louis he gave 36 speeches to workingmen's audiences all over the city, all in one day. Most Democratic newspapers were hostile (except the New York Journal) but Bryan seized control of the media by making the news every day, as he hurled thunderbolts against Eastern monied interests. The rural folk in South and Midwest were ecstatic, showing an enthusiasm never before seen. Ethnic Democrats, especially Germans and Irish, however, were alarmed and frightened by Bryan. The middle classes, businessmen, newspaper editors, factory workers, railroad workers, and prosperous farmers generally rejected Bryan's crusade. Bryan was overwhelmed by William McKinley in the most exciting race in national history. (Historians have discovered there was little coercion involved.) McKinley promised a return to prosperity based on the gold standard, support for industry, railroads and banks, and pluralism that would enable every group to move ahead. Bryan did however, win the hearts and minds of a majority of Democrats. The election of 1896 has been widely regarded as a political realignment. The victory of the Republican Party marked the start of the "Progressive Era," from 1896 to 1932, in which the GOP usually was dominant.

[edit] Bryan, Wilson, Progressivism: 1896-1932

See also: Fourth Party System

The 1896 election marked the political realignment during which the GOP controlled the presidency for 28 of 36 years. The GOP dominated most of the Northeast and Midwest, and half the West. Bryan, with a base in the South and Plains states, was strong enough to get the nomination in 1900 (losing to McKinley) and 1908 (losing to Taft). Theodore Roosevelt dominated the first decade of the century—and to the annoyance of Democrats "stole" the trust issue by crusading against trusts.

Anti-Bryan conservatives controlled the convention in 1904, but they faced a Theodore Roosevelt landslide. Bryan dropped his free silver and anti-imperialism rhetoric and supported mainstream progressive issues, such as the income tax, anti-trust, and direct election of Senators. He backed Woodrow Wilson in 1912, was rewarded with the State Department, then resigned in protest against Wilson's non-pacifistic policies in 1916. Northern Democrats were progressive on most issues, but generally opposed prohibition, were lukewarm regarding woman's suffrage, and were reluctant to undercut the "boss system" in the big cities.

Taking advantage of a deep split in the GOP, the Democrats took control of the House in 1910, and elected the intellectual reformer Woodrow Wilson in 1912 and 1916. Wilson successfully led Congress to a series of Progressive laws, including a reduced tariff, stronger antitrust laws, the Federal Reserve System, hours-and-pay benefits for railroad workers, and outlawing of child labor (which was reversed by the Supreme Court). Furthermore, constitutional amendments for prohibition and woman suffrage were passed in his second term. In effect, Wilson laid to rest the issues of tariffs, money and antitrust that had dominated politics for 40 years. Wilson led the U.S. to victory in the First World War, and helped write the Versailles Treaty, which included the League of Nations. But in 1919 Wilson's political skills faltered, and suddenly everything turned sour. The Senate rejected Versailles and the League, a nationwide wave of strikes and violence caused unrest, and Wilson's health collapsed.

In 1924 at the Democratic National Convention, a resolution denouncing the white-supremacist Ku Klux Klan was introduced by the Al Smith and Oscar W. Underwood forces in order to embarrass the front-runner, William McAdoo . After much debate, the resolution failed by just a single vote. The KKK faded away soon after, but the deep split in the party over cultural issues, especially Prohibition, facilitated Republican landslides in 1920, 1924 and 1928. However Al Smith did build a strong Catholic base in the big cities in 1928, and Franklin D. Roosevelt's election as Governor of New York that year brought a new leader to center stage.

[edit] The New Deal

See also: Fifth Party System

The stock market crash of 1929 and the ensuing Great Depression set the stage for a more progressive government and Franklin D. Roosevelt won a landslide victory in the election of 1932, campaigning on a platform of "Relief, Recovery, and Reform." This came to be termed "The New Deal" after a phrase in his acceptance speech. The Democrats also swept to large majorities in both houses of Congress, and among state Governors. Roosevelt altered the nature of the Party, away from laissez-faire capitalism, and towards an ideology of economic regulation and insurance against hardship. Conservative Democrats were outraged; led by Al Smith they formed the American Liberty League in 1934 and counterattacked. They failed and either retired from politics or joined the GOP. A few of them, such as Dean Acheson found their way back to the Democratic Party.

After making gains in Congress in 1934 Roosevelt embarked on an ambitious legislative program that came to be called "The Second New Deal." It was characterized by building up labor unions, nationalizing welfare by the WPA, setting up Social Security and raising taxes on business profits. Roosevelt's New Deal programs focused on job creation through public works projects as well as on social welfare programs such as Social Security. It also included sweeping reforms to the banking system, work regulation, transportation, communications, stock markets and attempts to regulate prices. His policies soon paid off by uniting a diverse coalition of Democratic voters called the New Deal Coalition, which included labor unions, minorities (most significantly, Catholics and Jews), and liberals. This united voter base allowed Democrats to be elected to Congress and the presidency for much of the next 30 years.

After a triumphant reelection in 1936, he announced plans to enlarge the Supreme Court by five new members. A firestorm of opposition erupted, led by his own vice president John Nance Garner. Roosevelt was defeated by an alliance of Republicans and conservative Democrats, who formed a Conservative coalition that managed to block nearly all liberal legislation. (Only a minimum wage law got through.) Annoyed by the conservative wing of his own party, Roosevelt made an attempt to rid himself of it; in 1938, he actively campaigned against five incumbent conservative Democratic senators; all five senators won re-election.

Under FDR, the Democratic Party became identified more closely with modern liberalism, which included the promotion of social welfare, civil rights, and regulation of the economy.

[edit] Truman to Kennedy: 1945-1963

Harry Truman took over unexpectedly in 1945, and the rifts inside the party that Roosevelt had papered over began to emerge. Former Vice President Henry A. Wallace denounced Truman as a war-monger for his anti-Soviet programs, the Truman Doctrine, Marshall Plan, and NATO. By cooperating with internationalist Republicans, Truman succeeded in defeating isolationists on the right and pro-Soviets on the left to establish a Cold War program that lasted until the fall of Communism in 1991. Wallace supporters and fellow travelers of the far left were pushed out of the party and the CIO in 1946-48 by young anti-Communists like Hubert H. Humphrey, Walter Reuther, and Arthur Schlesinger, Jr.. Hollywood emerged in the 1940s as an importance new base in the party, led by movie-star politicians such as Ronald Reagan, who strongly supported Roosevelt and Truman at this time.

On the right the Republicans blasted Truman’s domestic policies. “Had Enough?” was the winning slogan as Republicans recaptured Congress in 1946. Many party leaders were ready to dump Truman, but they lacked an alternative. Truman counterattacked, pushing J. Strom Thurmond and his Dixiecrats out, and taking advantage of the splits inside the GOP. He was reelected in a stunning surprise. However all of Truman’s Fair Deal proposals, such as universal health care were defeated by the Conservative Coalition in Congress. His seizure of the steel industry was reversed by the Supreme Court. In foreign policy, Europe was safe but troubles mounted in Asia. China fell to the Communists in 1949. Truman entered the Korean War without formal Congressional approval—the last time a president did that. When the war turned to a stalemate and he fired General Douglas MacArthur in 1951, Republicans blasted his policies in Asia. A series of petty scandals among friends and buddies of Truman further tarnished his image, allowing the Republicans in 1952 to crusade against “Korea, Communism and Corruption.” Truman dropped out of the presidential race early in 1952, leaving no obvious successor. The convention nominated Adlai Stevenson in 1952 and 1956, only to see him overwhelmed by two Eisenhower landslides.

In Congress the powerful duo of House Speaker Sam Rayburn and Senate Majority leader Lyndon B. Johnson held the party together, often by compromising with Eisenhower. In 1958 the party made dramatic gains in the midterms and seemed to have a permanent lock on Congress. Indeed, Democrats had majorities in the House every election from 1930 to 1992 (except 1946 and 1952). Most southern Congressmen were conservative Democrats, however, and they usually worked with conservative Republicans. The result was a Conservative Coalition that blocked practically all liberal domestic legislation from 1937 to the 1970s, except for a brief spell 1964-65, when Johnson neutralized its power. The election of John F. Kennedy in 1960 re-energized the party. His youth, vigor and intelligence caught the popular imagination. New programs like the Peace Corps harnessed idealism. In terms of legislation, Kennedy was stalemated by the Conservative Coalition, and anyway his proposals were all cautious and incremental. In three years he was unable to pass any significant new legislation. His election did mark the coming of age of the Catholic component of the New Deal Coalition. After 1964 middle class Catholics started voting Republicans in the same proportion as their Protestant neighbors. Except for the Chicago of Richard J. Daley, the last of the Democratic machines faded away. His involvement in Vietnam proved momentous, for his successor Lyndon Johnson decided to stay, and double the investment, and double the bet again and again until over 500,000 American soldiers were fighting in that small country.

[edit] Civil Rights Movement

The New Deal Coalition began to fracture as more Democratic leaders voiced support for civil rights, upsetting the party's traditional base of conservative Southern Democrats. After Harry Truman's platform showed support for civil rights and anti-segregation laws during the 1948 Democratic National Convention, many Southern Democratic delegates decided to split from the Party and formed the "Dixiecrats," led by South Carolina governor Strom Thurmond (who, as a Senator, would later join the Republican Party). Over the next few years, many conservative Democrats in the "Solid South" drifted away from the party. On the other hand, African Americans, who had traditionally given strong support to the Republican Party since its inception as the "anti-slavery party," shifted to the Democratic Party due to its New Deal economic opportunities and support for civil rights.

The party's dramatic reversal on civil rights issues culminated when Democratic President Lyndon B. Johnson signed into law the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Meanwhile, the Republicans were beginning their infamous Southern strategy, which aimed to solidify the Republican Party's electoral hold over conservative white Southerners. Southern Democrats took notice of the fact that 1964 Republican Presidential candidate Barry Goldwater had voted against the Civil Rights Act, and in the presidential election of 1964, Goldwater's only electoral victories outside his home state of Arizona were in the states of the Deep South.

The degree to which the Southern Democrats had abandoned the party became evident in the 1968 Presidential election when every former Confederate state except Texas voted for either Republican Richard Nixon or independent George Wallace, the latter a former Southern Democrat. Defeated Democrat Hubert Humphrey's electoral votes came mainly from the Northern states, marking a dramatic shift from the 1948 election 20 years earlier, when the losing Republican candidate's electoral votes were mainly concentrated in the Northern states.

[edit] 1972 to 1999

In 1972, the Democrats nominated Sen. George McGovern (SD) as the presidential candidate on a platform which advocated, among other things, U.S. withdrawal from Vietnam and a guaranteed minimum income for all Americans. McGovern's forces at the national convention ousted Mayor Richard J. Daley and the entire Chicago delegation, replacing them with insurgents led by Jesse Jackson. After it became know that McGovern's running mate, Thomas Eagleton, had received electric shock therapy, McGovern said he supported Eagleton "1000%" but he was soon forced to drop him and find a new running mate. With his campaign stalled for several weeks McGovern finally selected Sargent Shriver, a Kennedy-in-law who was close to Mayor Daley. On July 14, 1972, McGovern appointed his campaign manager, Jean Westwood as the first woman chair of the Democratic National Committee. McGovern was defeated in a landslide by incumbent Richard Nixon, winning only Massachusetts and Washington, D.C. The Watergate scandal of 1973-74 made corruption a central issue, especially after Gerald Ford pardoned Nixon in September 1974. The Democrats made major gains in the 1974 off-year elections.

In the 1976, mistrust of the administration, complicated by a combination of economic recession and inflation, sometimes called stagflation, led to Ford's defeat in 1976 by Jimmy Carter, a former Governor of Georgia.

Carter represented the total outsider, who promised honesty in government. He had served as a naval officer, a farmer, a state senator, and a one-term governor. His only experience with federal politics was when he chaired the Democratic National Committee's congressional and gubernatorial elections in 1974. Some of Carter's major accomplishments consisted of the creation of a national energy policy and the consolidation of governmental agencies, resulting in two new cabinet departments, the United States Department of Energy and the United States Department of Education. Carter also successfully deregulated the trucking, airline, rail, finance, communications, and oil industries, bolstered the social security system, and appointed record numbers of women and minorities to significant government and judicial posts. He also enacted strong legislation on environmental protection, through the expansion of the National Park Service in Alaska, creating 103 million new acres of land. In foreign affairs, Carter's accomplishments consisted of the Camp David Accords, the Panama Canal Treaties, the creation of full diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of China, and the negotiation of the SALT II Treaty. In addition, he championed human rights throughout the world and used human rights as the center of his administration's foreign policy.

Even with all of these successes, Carter failed to implement a national health plan or to reform the tax system, as he had promised in his campaign. Inflation was also on the rise. Abroad, the Iranians held 52 Americans hostage for 444 days, and Carter's diplomatic and military rescue attempts failed. The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan later that year weakened the perception Americans had of Carter. Even though he had already been defeated for re-election, Carter fortunately was able to negotiate the release of every American hostage. They were lifted out of Iran minutes after Reagan was inaugurated and Carter served as Reagan's emissary to greet them when they arrived in Germany. In 1980, Carter defeated Edward Kennedy to gain renomination, but lost to Ronald Reagan in November. The Democrats lost 12 Senate seats, and for the first time since 1954, the Republicans controlled the Senate. The House, however, remained in Democratic hands.

[edit] 1980s: Battling Reaganism

Instrumental in the election of Republican President Ronald Reagan in 1980, were Democrats who supported many conservative policies. The "Reagan Democrats" were Democrats before the Reagan years, and afterward, but they voted for Ronald Reagan in 1980 and 1984 (and for George H. W. Bush in 1988), producing their landslide victories. They were mostly white ethnics in the Northeast who were attracted to Reagan's social conservatism on issues such as abortion, and to his strong foreign policy. They did not continue to vote Republican in 1992 or 1996, so the term fell into disuse except as a reference to the 1980s. The term is not used to describe southern whites who became permanent Republicans in presidential elections. Stanley Greenberg, a Democratic pollster analyzed white ethnic voters, largely unionized auto workers, in suburban Macomb County, Michigan, just north of Detroit. The county voted 63 percent for Kennedy in 1960 and 66 percent for Reagan in 1984. He concluded that Reagan Democrats no longer saw Democrats as champions of their middle class aspirations, but instead saw it as being a party working primarily for the benefit of others, especially African Americans and the very poor. Bill Clinton targeted the Reagan Democrats with considerable success in 1992 and 1996.

The failure to hold the Reagan Democrats and the white South led to the final collapse of the New Deal coalition. Reagan carried 49 states against former Vice President and Minnesota Senator Walter Mondale, a New Deal stalwart, in 1984. Massachusetts Governor Michael Dukakis, running not as a New Dealer but as an efficiency expert in public administration, lost by a landslide in 1988 to Vice President George H. W. Bush.

In response to these landslide defeats, the Democratic Leadership Council was created. It worked to move the Party rightwards to the ideological center in order to recover some of the fundraising that had been lost to the Republicans due to corporate donors supporting Reagan. With the Party retaining left-of-center supporters as well as supporters holding moderate or conservative views on some issues, the Democrats became generally a catch all party with widespread appeal to most opponents of the Republicans.

[edit] The South Becomes Republican

In the century after Reconstruction, the white South identified with Democratic Party. The Democrats' lock on power was so strong, the region was called the Solid South. The Republicans only controlled parts of the Appalachian mountains, but they sometimes did compete for statewide office in the border states. Before 1964, the southern Democrats saw their party as the defender of the southern way of life, which included a respect for states' rights and an appreciation for traditional southern values. They repeatedly warned against the aggressive designs of Northern liberals and Republicans, as well as civil rights activists whom they denounced as "outside agitators."

However, between 1964 and 2004, the Democratic Party's lock on the South was broken. The long-term cause had to do with the South becoming more like the rest of the nation. It could not long stand apart in terms of racial segregation. Modernization had brought factories, national businesses, and larger, more cosmopolitan cities to the South, as well as millions of migrants from the North and more opportunities for higher education. Meanwhile, the cotton and tobacco economy of the traditional rural South faded away, as former farmers commuted to factory jobs.

The major reason for the Democrats' loss of the South, however, had to do with civil rights. Upon signing the Civil Rights Act of 1964, a legend claims that President Lyndon Baines Johnson prophesied, "We have lost the South for a generation."^[7]

Integration and the civil rights movement caused enormous controversy in the white South, with many attacking it as a violation of states' rights. When segregation was outlawed by court order and by the Civil Rights acts of 1964 and 1965, a die-hard element resisted integration, led by Democratic governors Orval Faubus of Arkansas, Lester Maddox of Georgia, and, especially George Wallace of Alabama. These populist governors appealed to a less-educated, blue-collar electorate that on economic grounds favored the Democratic Party, but opposed desegregation. After 1965 most Southerners accepted integration (with the exception of public schools). Believing themselves betrayed by the Democratic Party, traditional white southerners joined the new middle-class and the Northern transplants in moving toward the Republican Party. Meanwhile, newly enfranchised Black voters began supporting Democrat candidates at the 80-90-percent levels, producing Democratic leaders such as Julian Bond and John Lewis of Georgia, and Barbara Jordan of Texas. Just as Martin Luther King had promised, integration had brought about a new day in Southern politics.

However, some critics allege that the old racism has not really died in the South, and that the Republican Party exploits it as part of its southern strategy. In addition to its white middle-class base, Republicans attracted strong majorities among evangelical Christians, who prior to the 1980s were largely apolitical. Exit polls in the 2004 presidential election showed that Bush led Kerry by 70-30% among Southern whites, who comprised 71% of the voters. Kerry had a 90-9 lead among the 18% of Southern voters who were black. One third of the Southern voters said they were white evangelicals; they voted for Bush by 80-20.^[8]

[edit] 1990s

In the 1990s the Democratic Party revived itself, in part by moving to the right on economic and social policy. President Bill Clinton, who defeated the incumbent George H. W. Bush in U.S. presidential election, 1992, implemented a balanced federal budget and welfare reform, traditionally conservative causes. Labor unions, which had been steadily losing membership since the 1960s, found they had also lost political clout inside the Democratic Party: Clinton enacted the NAFTA free trade agreement with Canada and Mexico over the strong objection of these labor unions, much to the disappointment of those on the left of the party. The Republican Party took control of both the House of Representatives and the United States Senate after the 1994 election. Clinton was impeached in 1998 and subsequently acquitted in 1999.

When the DLC attempted to move the Democratic agenda in favor of more centrist positions, prominent Democrats from both the centrist and conservative factions (such as Terry McAuliffe) assumed leadership of the party and its direction. Some liberals and progressives felt alienated by the Democratic Party, which they felt had become unconcerned with the interests of the common people and left-wing issues in general. Some Democrats challenged the validity of such critiques, citing the Democratic role in pushing for progressive reforms.

[edit] 21st century

[edit] Election of 2000

Main article: U.S. presidential election, 2000

During the presidential election of 2000, the Democrats chose Vice President Al Gore to be the party's candidate for the presidency. Gore and George W. Bush, the Republican candidate and son of former President George H.W. Bush, disagreed on a number of issues, including abortion, gun politics, environmentalism, gay rights, tax cuts, foreign policy, public education, global warming, judicial appointments, and affirmative action. Nevertheless, Gore's affiliation with Clinton and the DLC caused critics—Green Party presidential candidate Ralph Nader in particular—to assert that Bush and Gore were too similar, especially on free trade, reductions in social welfare, and the death penalty. "We want to punish the Democrats, we want to hurt them, wound them," Nader's closest advisor said.^[9]

Gore won a popular plurality of over 500,000 votes over Bush, but lost in the Electoral College by four votes. Many Democrats blamed Nader's third-party spoiler role for Gore's defeat. They pointed to the states of New Hampshire (4 electoral votes) and Florida (25 electoral votes), where Nader's total votes exceeded Bush's margin of victory. In Florida, Nader received 97,000 votes; Bush defeated Gore by a mere 538. Controversy plagued the election, and Gore largely dropped from politics for years; by 2005 however he was making speeches critical of Bush's foreign policy.

Despite Gore's close defeat, the Democrats gained five seats in the Senate (including the election of Hillary Rodham Clinton in New York), to turn a 55-45 Republican edge into a 50-50 split (with a Republican Vice President breaking a tie). However, when Republican Senator Jim Jeffords of Vermont decided in 2001 to become an independent and vote with the Democratic Caucus, the majority status shifted along with the seat, including control of the floor (by the Majority Leader) and control of all committee chairmanships. However, the Republicans regained their Senate majority with gains in 2002 and 2004, leaving the Democrats with only 44 seats, the fewest since the 1920s.

[edit] 2001-2003

In the aftermath of the September 11, 2001 attacks, the nation's focus was changed to issues of national security. All but one Democrat (Representative Barbara Lee) voted with their Republican counterparts to authorize President Bush's 2001 invasion of Afghanistan. House leader Richard Gephardt and Senate leader Thomas Daschle pushed Democrats to vote for the USA PATRIOT Act and the invasion of Iraq. The Democrats were split over entering Iraq in 2003 and increasingly expressed concerns about both the justification and progress of the War on Terrorism, as well as the domestic effects, including threats to civil rights and civil liberties, from the USA PATRIOT Act. Senator Russ Feingold was the only Senator to vote against the act; it received considerably more resistance when it came up for renewal.

In the wake of the financial fraud scandal of the Enron Corporation and other corporations, Congressional Democrats pushed for a legal overhaul of business accounting with the intention of preventing further accounting fraud. This led to the bipartisan Sarbanes-Oxley Act in 2002. With job losses and bankruptcies across regions and industries increasing in 2001 and 2002, the Democrats generally campaigned on the issue of economic recovery. That did not work for them in 2002 as the Democrats lost a few seats in the U.S. House of Representatives. They lost three seats in the Senate (Georgia as Max Cleland was unseated, Minnesota as Paul Wellstone died and his succeeding Democratic candidate lost the election, and Missouri as Jean Carnahan was unseated) in the Senate. While Democrats gained governorships in New Mexico (where Bill Richardson was elected), Arizona (Janet Napolitano) and Wyoming (Dave Freudenthal), other Democrats lost governorships in South Carolina (Jim Hodges), Alabama (Don Siegelman) and, for the first time in more than a century, Georgia (Roy Barnes). The election led to another round of soul searching about the party's narrowing base. The party's miseries mounted in 2003, when a voter recall unseated their unpopular governor of California, Gray Davis, and replaced him which a charismatic Republican Arnold Schwarzenegger. By the end of 2003 the four largest states had Republican governors: California, Texas, New York and Florida.

[edit] Election of 2004

Main articles: U.S. presidential election, 2004, John Kerry presidential campaign, 2004, and Democratic Party (United States) presidential primaries, 2004

The 2004 campaign started as early as December 2002, when Gore announced he would not run again in the 2004 election. Howard Dean, former Governor of Vermont, an opponent of the war and a critic of the Democratic establishment, was the front-runner leading into the Democratic primaries. Dean had immense grassroots support, especially from the left wing of the party. Massachusetts Senator John Kerry, a more centrist figure with heavy support from the Democratic Leadership Council, was nominated because he was seen as more "electable" than Dean.^[10]

As layoffs of American workers occurred in various industries due to outsourcing, some Democrats (including Dean and senatorial candidate Erskine Bowles of North Carolina) began to refine their positions on free trade, and some even questioned their past support for it. By 2004, the failure of George W. Bush's administration to find weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, mounting combat casualties and fatalities in that country, and the lack of any end point for the War on Terror were frequently debated issues in the election. That year, Democrats generally campaigned on surmounting the jobless recovery, solving the Iraq crisis, and fighting terrorism more efficiently.

In the end, Kerry lost both the popular vote (by 3 million out of over 120 million votes cast) and the Electoral College. Republicans also gained four seats in the Senate and three seats in the House of Representatives. Also, for the first time since 1952, the Democratic leader of the Senate lost re-election. In the end, there were 3,660 Democratic state legislators across the nation to the Republicans' 3,557. Democrats gained governorships in Louisiana, New Hampshire and Montana. However, they lost the governorship of Missouri and a legislative majority in Georgia—which had long been a Democratic stronghold.

There were many reasons for the defeat. After the election most analysts concluded that Kerry was a poor campaigner.^[11][12] A group of Vietnam veterans opposed to Kerry called the Swift Boat Veterans for Truth undercut Kerry's use of his military past as a campaign strategy. Kerry was unable to reconcile his initial support of the Iraq War with his opposition to the war in 2004, or manage the deep split in the Democratic Party between those who favored and opposed the war.^[11] Republicans ran thousands of television commercials to argue that Kerry had flip-flopped on Iraq. When Kerry's home state of Massachusetts legalized same-sex marriage, the issue split liberal and conservative Democrats and independents (Kerry publicly stated throughout his campaign that he opposed same sex marriage, but favored civil unions). Republicans exploited the same-sex marriage issue by promoting ballot initiatives in 11 states that brought conservatives to the polls in large numbers; all 11 initiatives passed.^[13] Flaws in vote-counting systems may also have played a role in Kerry's defeat (see 2004 U.S. presidential election controversy and irregularities). Senator Barbara Boxer of California and several Democratic U.S. Representatives (including John Conyers of Michigan) raised the issue of voting irregularities in Ohio when the 109th Congress first convened, but they were defeated 267-31 by the House and 74-1 by the Senate. Other factors include a healthy job market, a rising stock market, strong home sales, and low unemployment.

After the 2004 election, prominent Democrats began to rethink the party's direction, and a variety of strategies for moving forward were voiced. Some Democrats proposed moving towards the right to regain seats in the House and Senate and possibly win the presidency in the election of 2008; others demanded that the party move more to the left and become a stronger opposition party. One topic of discussion was the party's policies surrounding reproductive rights. Rethinking the party's position on gun control became a matter of discussion, brought up by Howard Dean, Bill Richardson, Brian Schweitzer and other Democrats who had won governorships in states where Second Amendment rights were important to many voters. In What's the Matter with Kansas?, commentator Thomas Frank wrote the Democrats needed to return to campaigning on economic populism.

[edit] 2005 - present

These debates were reflected in the 2005 campaign for Chairman of the Democratic National Committee, which Howard Dean won over the objections of many party insiders. Dean sought to move the Democratic strategy away from the establishment, and bolster support for the party's state organizations, even in Red states.^[14]

When the 109th Congress convened, Democratic Senators chose Harry Reid of Nevada as their Minority Leader and Richard Durbin of Illinois to replace Reid as their Assistant Minority Leader. Reid tried to convince the Democratic Senators to vote more as a bloc on important issues; he forced the Republicans to abandon their push for privatization of Social Security. In 2005, the Democrats retained their governorships in Virginia and New Jersey, electing Tim Kaine and Jon Corzine, respectively. However, the party lost the mayoral race in New York City, a Democratic stronghold, for the fourth straight time.

Scandals involving lobbyist Jack Abramoff, former House Majority Leader Tom DeLay, the House GOP leadership's purported cover-up of the Mark Foley scandal, and Ohio governor Bob Taft gave the Democrats the opportunity of using corruption as an issue for the 2006 campaign. President Bush's slow response to the Hurricane Katrina disaster seemed to be an issue that highlighted conflicts in the emergency response system in many areas, including the local agencies. Public opinion on the war in Iraq continued its steady negative trend, and this, along with widespread sentiment among conservatives that the government had let spending get out of control, continued to drag President Bush's job approval ratings down to the lowest levels of his presidency. The main hurdle for Democratic victory in the House was the districting system (see Gerrymandering) that made over 90% of the seats "safe" for one party or the other. To regain a majority, the Democrats needed to take nearly all the rest.

As a result of the 2006 midterm elections, the Democratic Party is set to become the majority party in both the House of Representatives and the United States Senate when the 110th Congress convenes in 2007. The Democrats had spent twelve successive years as the minority party in the House before the watershed 2006 mid-term elections. Part of the Democratic Party's electoral success can be attributed to running mostly conservative-leaning Democrats against at-risk Republican incumbents.^[15] The Democrats also went from controlling a minority of governorships to an expected majority. The number of seats held by party members likewise increased in various state legislatures, giving the Democrats control of a plurality of them nationwide. No opposition party challenger defeated any incumbent Democratic Governor, U.S. Senator, or U.S. Representative in the election.

In the 2006 Democratic caucus leadership elections, Democrats chose Rep. Steny Hoyer of Maryland for House Majority Leader and nominated Rep. Nancy Pelosi of California for Speaker of the United States House of Representatives. If elected by the House of Representatives, she would become the first female House Speaker as well as second in the line of succession to the presidency. Senate Democrats chose Harry Reid of Nevada for United States Senate Majority Leader. Those elected would assume these roles in the 110th Congress.

[edit] Symbols

The most common symbol for the party is the donkey, although the party itself never officially adopted it.^[16] The origins of this symbol are unknown, but several theories have been proposed. According to one theory, in its original form, the jackass was born in the intense mudslinging that occurred during the presidential race of 1828 as a play on the name of Andrew Jackson, the Democratic candidate. Jackson had been called "Andrew Jackass," and the defiant Jackson adopted the nickname.^{[citation needed]}

On January 19, 1870, a political cartoon by Thomas Nast in Harper's Weekly titled "A Live Jackass Kicking a Dead Lion" revived the donkey as a symbol for the Democratic Party.^[17] Cartoonists followed Nast and used the donkey to represent the Democrats, and the elephant to represent the Republicans.

In the media, Democrats (and states which consistently vote Democratic) have relatively recently been depicted as blue, while Republicans, and the states in which they dominate, as red.

In the early 20th century, the traditional symbol of the Democratic Party in Midwestern states such as Indiana, Kentucky, Oklahoma and Ohio was the rooster, as opposed to the Republican eagle. This symbol still appears on Oklahoma, Kentucky, and Indiana ballots. For the majority of the 20th Century, Missouri Democrats used the Statue of Liberty as their ballot emblem. This meant that when Libertarian candidates received ballot access in Missouri in 1976, they could not use the Statue of Liberty, their national symbol, as the ballot emblem. Missouri Libertarians instead used the Liberty Bell until 1995, when the mule became Missouri's state animal. From 1995 to 2004, there was some confusion among voters, as the Democratic ticket was marked with the Statue of Liberty, and it seemed that the Libertarians were using a donkey.

[edit] See also

• American election campaigns in the 19th Century
• History of the United States Republican Party

[edit] Notes

[edit] References

[edit] Secondary sources

• American National Biography (20 volumes, 1999) covers all politicians no longer alive; online and paper copies at many academic libraries. Older Dictionary of American Biography.
• Dinkin, Robert J. Campaigning in America: A History of Election Practices. (Greenwood 1989)
• Robert V. Remini. The House: The History of the House of Representatives (2006), extensive coverage of the party
• Shafer, Byron E. and Anthony J. Badger, eds. Contesting Democracy: Substance and Structure in American Political History, 1775-2000 (2001), most recent collection of new essays by specialists on each time period:
  • includes: "State Development in the Early Republic: 1775–1840" by Ronald P. Formisano; "The Nationalization and Racialization of American Politics: 1790–1840" by David Waldstreicher; "'To One or Another of These Parties Every Man Belongs;": 1820–1865 by Joel H. Silbey; "Change and Continuity in the Party Period: 1835–1885" by Michael F. Holt; "The Transformation of American Politics: 1865–1910" by Peter H. Argersinger; "Democracy, Republicanism, and Efficiency: 1885–1930" by Richard Jensen; "The Limits of Federal Power and Social Policy: 1910–1955" by Anthony J. Badger; "The Rise of Rights and Rights Consciousness: 1930–1980" by James T. Patterson, Brown University; and "Economic Growth, Issue Evolution, and Divided Government: 1955–2000" by Byron E. Shafer

[edit] Before 1932

• Allen, Oliver E. The Tiger: The Rise and Fall of Tammany Hall (1993)
• Baker, Jean. Affairs of Party: The Political Culture of Northern Democrats in the Mid-Nineteenth Century (1983).
• Barnes, James A. John G. Carlisle, Financial Statesman. 1931.
• Cole, Donald B. Martin Van Buren And The American Political System (1984)
• Bass, Herbert J. "I Am a Democrat": The Political Career of David B. Hill 1961.
• Craig, Douglas B. 'After Wilson: The Struggle for the Democratic Party, 1920-1934 (1992)
• Flick, Alexander C. Samuel Jones Tilden: A Study in Political Sagacity 1939.
• Formisano, Ronald P. The Transformation of Political Culture: Massachusetts Parties, 1790s-1840s (1983)
• Gammon, Samuel Rhea Gammon. The Presidential Campaign of 1832 (1922)
• Grossman, Lawrence. The Democratic Party and the Negro: Northern and National Politics, 1868-1892 1976.
• Hammond, Bray. Banks and Politics in America from the Revolution to the Civil War (1960), Pulitzer prize. Pro-Bank
• Hibben, Paxton. The Peerless Leader, William Jennings Bryan (1929)
• Jensen, Richard. Grass Roots Politics: Parties, Issues, and Voters, 1854-1983 (1983)
• Keller, Morton. Affairs of State: Public Life in Late Nineteenth Century America 1977.
• Kleppner, Paul et al. The Evolution of American Electoral Systems (1983), essays, 1790s to 1980s.
• Kleppner, Paul. The Third Electoral System 1853-1892: Parties, Voters, and Political Cultures (1979), analysis of voting behavior, with emphasis on region, ethnicity, religion and class.
• McCormick, Richard P. The Second American Party System: Party Formation in the Jacksonian Era (1966)
• Merrill, Horace Samuel. Bourbon Democracy of the Middle West, 1865-1896 1953.
• Nevins, Allan. Grover Cleveland: A Study in Courage 1948. Pulitzer Prize
• Remini, Robert V. Martin Van Buren and the Making of the Democratic Party (1959)
• Rhodes, James Ford. The History of the United States from the Compromise of 1850 8 vol (1932)
• Sanders, Elizabeth. Roots of Reform: Farmers, Workers, and the American State, 1877-1917 (1999). argues the Democrats were the true progressives and GOP was mostly conservative
• Sarasohn, David. The Party of Reform: Democrats in the Progressive Era (1989), covers 1910-1930.
• Schlesinger, Arthur Meier, Jr. ed. History of American Presidential Elections, 1789-2000 (various multivolume editions, latest is 2001). For each election includes history and selection of primary documents. Essays on some elections are reprinted in Schlesinger, The Coming to Power: Critical presidential elections in American history (1972)
• Sharp, James Roger. The Jacksonians Versus the Banks: Politics in the States after the Panic of 1837 (1970)
• Silbey, Joel H. A Respectable Minority: The Democratic Party in the Civil War Era, 1860-1868 (1977)
• Silbey, Joel H. The American Political Nation, 1838-1893 (1991)
• Stampp, Kenneth M. Indiana Politics during the Civil War (1949)
• Welch, Richard E. The Presidencies of Grover Cleveland 1988.
• Whicher, George F. William Jennings Bryan and the Campaign of 1896 (1953), primary and secondary sources.
• Wilentz, Sean. The Rise of American Democracy: Jefferson to Lincoln (2005), highly detailed synthesis.
• Woodward, C. Vann. Origins of the New South, 1877-1913 1951.

[edit] Since 1932

• Allswang, John M. New Deal and American Politics (1978)
• Andersen, Kristi. The Creation of a Democratic Majority, 1928-1936 (1979)
• Barone, Michael, and Grant Ujifusa, The Almanac of American Politics 2006: The Senators, the Representatives and the Governors: Their Records and Election Results, Their States and Districts (2005), covers all the live politicians.
• Burns, James MacGregor. Roosevelt: The Lion and the Fox (1956)
• Cantril, Hadley and Mildred Strunk, eds. Public Opinion, 1935-1946 (1951), compilation of public opinion polls from US, UK, Canada, Australia, and elsewhere.
• Dallek, Robert. Lyndon B. Johnson: Portrait of a President (2004)]
• Fraser, Steve, and Gary Gerstle, eds. The Rise and Fall of the New Deal Order, 1930-1980 (1990), essays.
• Hamby, Alonzo. Liberalism and Its Challengers: From F.D.R. to Bush (1992).
• Jensen, Richard. Grass Roots Politics: Parties, Issues, and Voters, 1854-1983 (1983)
• Jensen, Richard. "The Last Party System, 1932-1980," in Paul Kleppner, ed. Evolution of American Electoral Systems (1981)
• Judis, John B. and Ruy Teixeira. The Emerging Democratic Majority (2004) demography is destiny
  • "Movement Interruptus: September 11 Slowed the Democratic Trend That We Predicted, but the Coalition We Foresaw Is Still Taking Shape" The American Prospect Vol 16. Issue: 1. January 2005.
• Kennedy, David M. Freedom from Fear: The American People in Depression and War, 1929-1945 (2001), synthesis
• Kleppner, Paul et al. The Evolution of American Electoral Systems (1983), essays, 1790s to 1980s.
• Ladd Jr., Everett Carll with Charles D. Hadley. Transformations of the American Party System: Political Coalitions from the New Deal to the 1970s 2nd ed. (1978).
• Lamis, Alexander P. ed. Southern Politics in the 1990s (1999)
• Martin, John Bartlow. Adlai Stevenson of Illinois: The Life of Adlai E. Stevenson (1976),
• Moscow, Warren. The Last of the Big-Time Bosses: The Life and Times of Carmine de Sapio and the Rise and Fall of Tammany Hall (1971)
• Patterson, James T. Grand Expectations: The United States, 1945-1974 (1997) synthesis.
• Patterson, James T. Restless Giant: The United States from Watergate to Bush vs. Gore (2005) synthesis.
• Patterson, James. Congressional Conservatism and the New Deal: The Growth of the Conservative Coalition in Congress, 1933-39 (1967)
• Plotke, David. Building a Democratic Political Order: Reshaping American Liberalism in the 1930s and 1940s (1996).
• Nicol C. Rae; Southern Democrats Oxford University Press. 1994
• Sabato, Larry J. Divided States of America: The Slash and Burn Politics of the 2004 Presidential Election (2005), analytic.
• Sabato, Larry J. and Bruce Larson. The Party's Just Begun: Shaping Political Parties for America's Future (2001), textbook.
• Schlesinger, Arthur Meier, Jr. ed. History of American Presidential Elections, 1789-2000 (various multivolume editions, latest is 2001). For each election includes history and selection of primary documents. Essays on some elections are reprinted in Schlesinger, The Coming to Power: Critical presidential elections in American history (1972)
• Shelley II, Mack C. The Permanent Majority: The Conservative Coalition in the United States Congress (1983)
• Sundquist, James L. Dynamics of the Party System: Alignment and Realignment of Political Parties in the United States (1983)

[edit] Popular histories

• Ling, Peter J. The Democratic Party: A Photographic History (2003).
• Rutland, Robert Allen. The Democrats: From Jefferson to Clinton (1995).
• Schlisinger, Galbraith. Of the People: The 200 Year History of the Democratic Party (1992)
• Witcover, Jules. Party of the People: A History of the Democrats (2003)

[edit] Primary sources

• Schlesinger, Arthur Meier, Jr. ed. History of American Presidential Elections, 1789-2000 (various multivolume editions, latest is 2001). For each election includes history and selection of primary documents.
• The Digital Book Index includes some newspapers for the main events of the 1850s, proceedings of state conventions (1850-1900), and proceedings of the Democratic National Convention. Other references of the proceedings can be found in the Democratic National Convention article.

Campaign text books

The national committees of major parties published a "campaign textbook" every presidential election from about 1856 to about 1932. They were designed for speakers contain statistics, speeches, summaries of legislation, and documents, with plenty of argumentation. Only large academic libraries have them, but some are online:

• Address to the Democratic Republican Electors of the State of New York (1840). Published before the formation of party national committees.
• The Campaign Text Book: Why the People Want a Change. The Republican Party Reviewed... (1876)
• The Campaign Book of the Democratic Party (1882)
• The Republican Campaign Text Book for 1882
• The Political Reformation of 1884: A Democratic Campaign Book
• The Republican Campaign Text Book for 1884
• The Campaign Text Book of the Democratic Party of the United States, for the Presidential Election of 1888
• The Republican Campaign Text-book for 1888
• The Campaign Text Book of the Democratic Party for the Presidential Election of 1892
• Republican Campaign Text Book, 1894
• Democratic Campaign Book. Presidential Election of 1896
• Campaign Text-book of the National Democratic Party (1896). This is the Gold Democrats handbook; it strongly opposed William Jennings Bryan.

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