Govigama
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Govi, Govigama, Goigama, Goygama, Goyigama is a very prominent Caste in Sri Lanka. The few families that control Sri Lanka ’s post-independence politics belong to this caste
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[edit] History
The traditional occupation of this caste is agriculture, and they were the serfs in the Sri Lankan feudal system. Although released from serfdom with the European introduced private land holding system, most members of the Govigama community are still peasants in villages throughout Sri Lanka. They were at the bottom of the caste hierarchy in traditional Sinhalese society, as the sub-continent’s four fold caste model was practiced in Sri Lanka as Raja, Bamunu, Velenda and Govi . Historic literature and inscriptional evidence from the feudal period show that the above hierarchy prevailed throughout the feudal period until the collapse of Sri Lankan kingdoms and social structure under the onslaught of European colonialism.
[edit] Ancient Period
Ancient texts such as the 'Pujavaliya, Sadharmaratnavaliya' and 'Yogaratnakaraya' list the four caste categories as Raja, Bamunu, Velanda & Govi in descending order, where the Govi caste is the lowest. The Pújavaliya also says that Buddhas will never be born in the Govi caste as it is a low caste. The 10th century Dampiyaatuvagetapadaya and the 12th century Darmapradeepikava go even further and state that the Govi caste is a 'Neecha' (despised)caste. (Dampiyaatuvagetapadaya 217. Darmapradeepikava 190)
Other ancient texts such as the Gavaratnakaraya and Sarpothpaththiya (Sarpavedakama vi, 5 & 123) respectively classify even Sri Lankan cattle and snakes into the same four caste categories as Raja, Bamunu, Velanda & Govi, where again Govi is the lowest form. Ballads sung to-date at ancient Gammmaduva rituals also refer to the above four castes categories in the same sequence and also describes the limits and privileges of each. The domestic utensils of the Raja, category are described as made of gold; silver and copper for the next two and finally earthenware for the Govi caste which is last in the hierarchy (Gammaduwa 13).
Although modern Govigama writers have attempted to dismiss the above four-fold division as a mere classical division unconnected with realities, the repetition of the same caste hierarchy even as recently as the 18th century, in the British / Kandyan period period Kadayimpoth - Boundry books (Abhayawardena 163 to 168) as well, indicates the continuation of the tradition right up to the end of Sri Lanka’s monarchy.
[edit] Mediaeval Period
The 15th century literary composition, the Ummagga Jataka uses the term Govi in forms such as embala goviya and goviya puth (son of a cultivator) throughout the text as an insult. It shows a continuation of such usage coming from the 14th century Illisa Jataka embala dushta goviya. Sloka 2201 of the astrology text Mánasagari says that a debilitated moon in the horoscope destines a man to be a cultivator.
The Govis are referred to as Kudin (EZ V.293, EZ I.246, 53 fn 7 etc.) and Väriyan (EZ III.139, 141 etc. ) in ancient Sri Lankan rock inscriptions and as Bälayan, Galayan, Valayan, Gonvayan and Gatara in literature (Abhayawardena 167 & 217. Jayathilake.91). These terms show that the Govis in Sri Lanka’s history were serfs and agricultural slaves. They were considered to be chattels attached to the land and were treated as such (EZ II.140 & 142. Codrington.34). The low esteem in which the goviyas were held is illustrated by other rock inscriptions such as the 10th century Kataragama pillar inscription (EZ III.223), 14th century Niyamgampaya rock inscription (Sahithyaya 1972.130) and 15th century Saman Devala Sannasa (Codrington.27) which groups the Govis together with buffaloes and pack bulls.
The North Gate rock inscription in the ancient city of Polonnaruwa depicts the Govi Kula in its comparative rhetoric as the lowest extreme (EZ II.164) Comparing a fire-fly to the Sun, a crow to a swan etc. etc. The same concept of low status is echoed in the literary works, 13th century Dambadeni Asna (Jayathilake.135) and the 15th century Parevi Sandésa(Kumaratunga 1958.verse 188) as well.
[edit] Kandyan Period
Traditionally the Govi caste had worked the fields for all castes without distinction and there is evidence even from the recent Kandyan period that they cultivated for castes such as the Wahumpura and the so called palanquin bearer Bathgama caste (Sri Lankáve Ithihásaya III. 287, JRASCB XXXVI No.100.156.etc.) They continued to do so until the Paddy Lands Act was introduced in 1958. The subservient manner in which cultivators approached and interacted even with blacksmiths from the lower rungs of the Navandanna caste is described by Robert Knox (1641-1720) in his An Historical Relation of the Island Ceylon. Knox’s description illustrates the relative ritual positions of the two castes.
However modern Govigama revisionist history endeavours to say that all castes except for the Govi caste were low-castes, and that the caste system revolved around the Govigama caste and functioned to serve its needs. See how the Sri Lankan state promotes the 'Govi Supremacy Myth'
The Sri Lankan state sponsored ‘Practical Sinhala Dictionary’, edited by Harischandra Wijetunga (subsequently the leader of the Mahasammatha Sinhale Bhumiputra Party), and published by the Ministry of Cultural Affairs in 1983 went to the extent of defining Govi puth as ‘ruling prince’ and all other castes as low castes. (compare with the contrasting historical meaning of this term in the Jatakas given above)It was challenged in courts and the Human Rights Commission and changed.
[edit] Govigama Sub-castes
The Niti Nighanduva published in 1880 to promote the Govi supremacy myth lists the following as sub-castes of the Govigama:
- Radalakam peruwa or Mudali Peruwa
- Painda Peruwa (Messengers)
- Wediwanse ( Veddahs)
As the higher levels, and the following as the inferior classes of the Goviya caste:
- Nilamakkarayo(Suppliers of rice and other food to the landlord - Tenant farmers )
- Pattiwala aya (Herdsmen)
- Wiramestaragolla
- Porokara or Kunam Maduve Gamayo (Wood cutters)
- Etwala panikkiyo (Suppliers of food for the landlord's Elephant)
- Malkaruvo (Suppliers of flowers to the landlord)
- Kuttanwala etto (Suppliers of fish from irrigation tanks. Kevulo)
- Balibath Gamayo (Suppliers of rice for Devabali, religious offerings)
- Gattaru ( Referred to as Gattara in medieval inscriptions )
- Tibillo
(Niti Nighanduva 6)
However most of these have since merged, and together with anonymous migrants from other castes joining its rank in the cities, a Mega-Govi caste has since formed.
[edit] Rise of a Govi caste elite in the late 19th century
By the 19th century, large numbers of traditional chiefs had been killed in successive battles with Portuguese, Dutch and British over 400 years of colonialism and the status of the remaining traditional chiefs had been reduced to that of Colonial servants. The Dutch in the 18th century and the British in the 19th century had actively sought ways to curb the power and influence of the native chiefs and headmen.
The late British period saw the proliferation of native headmen and a Mudaliyar class resembling English country squires, complete with large land grants by the British, residences of unprecedented scale (Referred to by the Tamil word Walauu or Walvoo) and British granted native titles. (Mudaliyar is a South Indian and Tamil name for ‘first’ and a person endowed with wealth.)
The British Governor Gordon (1883 – 1890) and his predecessors effectively used divide and rule policies and created caste animosity among the native elite and finally confined all high Native appointments only to the Govigama caste in 1897. The British Government Agent Layard was advocating this as an effective policy for easy governance. Mahamudliar Louis De Saram’s family of Dutch and Malay ancestry had Sinhalised and Givigamised itself during the Dutch period and had a strong network of relatives as Mudaliyars by the late 19th century. As Kumari Jayawardena notes, the Mudaliyars, were merely "Low-country" Goyigama families who rose to prominence under colonial rule, by loyal service to colonial masters. Among them were the De Saram family that had married Burghers, and later through other marriage alliances, created a network embracing the Obeysekere, Dias-Bandaranaike, Ilangakoon, de Alwis, de Livera, Pieris and Siriwardena families. This “Govigama” Anglican Christian network expanded further with the preponderance of native headmen as Mudaliyars, Korales and Vidanes from the Buddhist Govigama section of the community.
The British even appointed non Vanniyars to the positions of Maha Vanniya and other Vanni positions. Ralapanave Punchirala was the first Govigama to be so appointed. His appointment in 1849 to the Nuwaragam Palatha was followed by other outsider appointments to Vanni positions; Ratwatte Loku Banda in 1878 and Ratwatte Dingiri Banda in 1892. They were from the class of ‘New Radalas’ created by 19th century British administrators in the Kandyan provinces.
The powerful Mudaliyar class thus created by the British colonials, attempted to keep all other Sri Lankan communities out of colonial appointments. They also used all possible means to economically and socially marginalise and subjugate all other communities. The oppression by the Mudaliars and connected headmen extended to demanding subservience, service, appropriation of cultivation rights and even restrictions on the type of personal names that could be used by other communities and castes.
[edit] The rise of the Govi caste in the 20th century
Several lower level Govigama headmen in the Mudaliyar system used their positions to exploit opportunities in the local liquor trade, formed partnerships and become quite wealthy during this period. Some of the Govigama liquor dealers to amass large fortunes during this period were Wevage Arnolis Dep (whose daughter Helena married timber trader Don Philip Wijewardene the ancestor of J. R. Jayawardene and Ranil Wickremasinge) and Don Spater Senanayake the Father of D. S. Senanayake.
The Mudaliyar class that had risen to prominence in the previous century were disdainful of this new class of rich Govigamas who had amassed wealth though arrack renting and were now striving hard to gain power and status. Sir Christoffel Obeyesekere the prominent member from the Mudaliyar class referred to these new rich Govigama D. S. Senanayake, his two brothers F.R and D.C and others as “a few who are nobodies, but who hope to make somebodies of themselves by disgraceful tactics”. It’s this outburst by Sir Christoffel that gives Kumari Jayawardena the title for her insightful book on this period, ‘Nobodies to Somebodies - The Rise of the Colonial Bourgeoisie in Sri Lanka”. Jayawardena notices the irony in this outburst because these Mudaliyar 'somebodies' were, not too long ago, relative 'nobodies' themselves.
Two distinct and unconnected communities, the Govi and the Tamil Vellala allied together during the early 19th century and pushed out contenders from Karava and other communities from the political arena. Twentieth century strategic political marriages such as low country Govigam, nouveau riche D. S. Senanayake’s marriage in 1910 to Kandyan, Anglican Mollie Dunuwila,his brother D.C.'s marriage to Mollie Dunuwila's sister, newspaper magnate D. R. Wijewardena’s marriage in 1916 to a Meedeniya and finally 42 year old S. W. R. D. Bandaranayake’s marriage in 1940 to 24 year old Sirimávo Ratwatte, appear to have linked the Govigama caste with the 'New Radala' class created by the British, and boosted the status of the Govi caste. These marriages also created the common political power block that has ruled the country since independence from the British in 1948. The Radalas however are still relatively endogamous and even as at date would only rarely marry an average Govigama in an arranged marriage. Nevertheless some writers now refer to the Radala as the upper crust of the Govigama caste. With the rise of the Govi caste in the 20th century, Govi caste history has been rewritten to bolster and complement the now elevated status of the caste. The caste that previously belonged to the land and was gifted, bought and sold with it is now described as the traditional land holding class.
The above developments in the elite circles were of no benefit to the peasant Govigama masses who were oppressed even further by the new class of Govigama mudaliyars. Benefits began to gradually arrive for the Govi peasants with the abolition of the traditional Rrajakariya system ( Sri lanka’s Tennurial system of land holding). The post-independence Paddy Lands Act of 1958 was another landmark. It empowered Tenant farmers of paddy lands and protected them from eviction. The Landlords were stripped of their power overnight.
[edit] Current Political Power
The introduction of democracy in the early 20th century transferred political power to the affiliated Senanayake, Wijewardene, Kotelawala, Jayewardene and Dias Bandaranaike (Although not commonly known D. S. Senanayake’s sister Maria Frances was married to F.H.Dias Bandaranaike) families in the Southern part of the country and to interconnected Vellala families in the north. They were all from the anglicised minority of Sri Lanka and from the Govigama caste.
Despite their Anglican Chriatian background, these families were respectively accepted by the Sinhala Buddhist mass vote-base and the Tamil voters as their communal democratic leaders and representatives. However, it has always been the Catholic Church and not the Anglican denomination that has been at the receiving end of the religious antipathy of the Sinhala masses. Since the grant of independence by the British in 1948, Sri Lanka’s political power has rarely slipped away from this closely connected group and even so only for short periods.
Although Sri Lanka is considered to be a democracy, the two main political parties have operated throughout as family organisations. Key decisions within the parties are taken by an inner core and democratic processes do not exist within the two parties to elect its leaders. Voting by a show of hands is encouraged, secret ballots are shunned and dissidents within the two parties are regularly disciplined and victimised. For most part, politics in post-independance Sri lanka has been an alternating rule between the anglicized Colombo elite Senanyake-Wickremasinhe clan and the Bandarnaike-Ratwatte clan.
Youth opposing this farce have been regularly eliminated since the 1970’s through Summary execution by the Sri Lankan state.
Non –Govigama representation in Parliament has steadily declined since independence and representation of non-Govigama castes are well below their population percentages. [1]. Caste representation in the Cabinet is limited to a few very visible, but unconcerned and disconnected members from a few leading castes. However none of these representatives are known to have ever spoken on behalf of their respective communities or done anything constructive for the progress of these communities.
[edit] Religious Power
The Buddhist Siam Nikaya of Sri Lanka now grants Higher ordination only to the Radala and Govigama castes. The principal places of Buddhist worship in Sri Lanka including the Temple of the Tooth Relic, Adam’s Peak, Kelaniya and over 6,000 other temples are now under the administration of the Siyam Nikaya and brings with it much religious power to the Govi caste and vast revenues to Govigama priests.
Restricting higher ordination only to the Govigama caste by the Siyam Nikaya is attributed to the year 1764, just over a decade after the establishment of this sect and re-establishment of Upasampada in Sri Lanka by reverend Upali of Siam. Mandarampura Puvata, a contemporary text from the period, narrates the above radical changes to the monastic order and shows that it was not a unanimous decision by the body of the sangha. It says that thirty two ‘senior’ members of the Sangha who opposed this change were banished to Jaffna by the leaders of the reform.
The Buddha has frequently condemned caste discrimination and further preached that creating divisions within the Sangha is a heinous crime. However, the Siyan Nikaya holds a perported royal decree by a Vaduga King above the teachings of the Buddah and does not appeare to have any plans to change the parody. The continuance of these un-buddhist changes to the rules of ordination plagues Sri Lankan Buddhism, and the Sri Lankan Buddhist Sangha remains divided on caste lines.
[edit] The Govi Supremacy Myth
The ‘Govi Supremacy Myth’ dates from the 19th century and it states that all Sri Lankan castes except the Govi caste were low castes, and that the caste system revolved around the Govi caste and existed to serve its needs. Although the Govi and the Tamil Vellala were two distinct and unconnected communities in Sri Lanka’s history, politically ambitious individuals from both communities attempted to equate and link the two in the 19th century. As such the ‘Govi Supremacy Myth’ and the ‘Vellala Supremacy Myth’ are inextricably dependent on each other for their sustenance.
Several caste lists were produced by the leaders of the colonial Sri Lankan Mudaliyars class during the 19th century which tabulated Sri Lankan castes according to their purported traditional status. These lists differ from each other in their sequences of listing castes but most have the Govi caste as the highest. Despite the lack of any evidence from Sri Lanka’s feudal history that such status hierarchies existed, these tables too are regarded by some writers as feudal period history. Sri Lankan history suggests that the many occupational castes had worked together in cooperation rather than as a stratified hierarchy serving the Govi caste as suggested by the supremacy theory.
British Historians, from the period when these questionable caste tables were produced, have noted how the various castes co-existed in co-operation and with respect to each other. Some examples are the endearing terms of ‘Redi Nanda’ (Aunt) and ‘Hene Mama’ (Uncle) that had been used to refer to and address members of the Washerman’s ( Rajaka or Radha )caste. Similarly, members of the Drummer (Berava) caste had been addressed as ‘Gurunnanse’ or ‘Aedura’ (Respectful terms for a Teacher). A Navandanna Blacksmith was referred to and addressed as ‘Acari’ (Another respectful term for a Teacher). All castes including the Govi caste had used these forms of address and it is still the same in Sri Lankan villages. Barter, with goods as well as services, had been the accepted form of inter-caste exchange of services.
The ‘Govi Supremacy Theory’ was debunked in the 1980s with the overwhelming and consistent historical evidence, some of which is listed above in the ‘History’ paragraph, spread right across all the various historical periods of Sri Lanka. No historical evidence has yet been produced to contradict the above historical position or to even show that there were exceptions in history to the low ritual status of the Govi caste.
Despite the total absence of any historical basis, revisionist history which states that the Govi caste was the highest caste can now be found in several state sponsored books, dictionaries, glossaries and encyclopedias published by the Ministry of Cultural Affairs, Ministry of Education, Ministry of Buddhist Affairs and the Universities in Sri Lanka. The oldest evidence produced in support of this Theory is from the 19th century and that too written by or influenced by Govigama arrivistes themselves. See promotion of the Govi Supremacy Myth by the Sri Lankan state.
Many unsuspecting foreign writers who do not understand the Sinhala language and are unfamiliar with the vast sources of un-translated historical literature in the Sinhala language, have included this myth in their writings. Such sources are now quoted by the proponents of this theory as evidence for confirmation of the theory.
[edit] See alsp
[edit] References
- Abhayawardena H. A. P. Kadaim Poth Vimarshanaya, Ministry of Cultural Affairs, Sri Lanka
- Codrington Ancient Land Tenure
- Darmapradeepikava Sri Dharmarama edition, 1951
- Epigraphia Zeylanica (EZ) Colombo Museum, Sri Lanka
- Gammaduwa, Ministry of Cultural Affairs, Sri Lanka
- Jayathilake D. B. Dambadeni Asna saha Kandavuru Siritha
- Jayawardena Kumari 2000 Nobodies to Somebodies - The Rise of the Colonial Bourgeoisie in Sri Lanka [2]
- Journal of Asian Studies 1990 Articles by Patrick Peebles, Amita Shastri, Bryan Pfaffenberger
- Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Sri Lanka (JRASCB)
- Kumaratunga Munidasa 1958 Parevi Sandeshaya
- Niti Nighanduva The vocabulary of law 1880 LeMasurier C. J. R. and Panabokke T. B.
- Peebles Patrick 1995 Social Change in Nineteenth Century Ceylon Navrang ISBN 81-7013-141-3.
- Pfaffenberger Bryan 1982 Sudra Domination in Sri Lanka Syracuse University
- Pujavaliya
- Roberts Michael Caste conflict and elite formation
- Sahithyaya 1972 Department of Cultural Affairs, Sri Lanka
- Sarpavedakama Colombo Museum publication, 1956
- Sri Lankáve Ithihásaya Educational Publications Department Sri Lanka
- Ummagga Játhakaya 1978 edition Educational Publications Department, Sri Lanka
- Wickramasinghe Nira 2001 Civil Society in Sri Lanka: New circles of power
