Chamlong Srimuang

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Chamlong Srimuang (Thai: จำลอง ศรีเมือง, born 5 July 1935) is a controversial Thai activist and former politician. A former military officer, he was a leader of the "Young Turks" clique, founded and led the the Phalang Dharma party, served for six years as governor of Bangkok, led the anti-military uprising of May 1992, and is a leader of the People's Alliance for Democracy, a group dedicated to the overthrow of Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra. A devout Buddhist and supporter of the controversial Santi Asoke sect, he is celibate, a vegetarian, and claims to have no worldly possessions. He is married to Sirilak Srimuang.

Major.Gen. Chamlong Srimuang.
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Major.Gen. Chamlong Srimuang.

Contents

[edit] Early life and education

Chamlong's father was a Chinese migrant from Shantou who died when Chamlong was still a baby. His mother, Sae Tia, was of Chinese descent, but was born in Thailand. Chamlong had an older brother who was sent to live in China with his grandmother, but who died there as a boy.

When Chamlong was a young boy, the family moved into the home of a retired naval officer where his mother was a servant. They later moved in with Sae Tia's aunt, where Sae Tia and the young Chamlong spun jute thread. When Chamlong was twelve, his mother remarried Chote Srimuang, a postman.

He entered Ban Somdej Chao Phraya high school in Thonburi where he was a top student. He later entered the Armed Forces Academies Preparatory School, Thailand and went on to the Chulachomklao Royal Military Academy, where he graduated as part of Class 7. He developed a close relationship with classmates Pallop Pinmanee and Manoonkrit Roopkachorn, both of which would play important roles in Thai politics over the decades.

[edit] Military career

After graduating, Second Lieutenant Chamlong joined the signal corps in Bangkok as a platoon leader. Thanks to the massive US presence in Thailand during the 1960's, he received advanced training in military communications at Fort Monmouth, New Jersey, and Fort Gordon, Georgia.

After returning to Thailand, he married Sirilak Kheolaor on 14 June 1964. The two had first met during an Army-Navy rugby match while Chamlong was still a cadet. Soon afterwards, Chamlong was sent to the Schofield Barracks in Hawaii for a six-month course on military signal equipment.

Chamlong later served in Laos as a communications officer supporting Thai units fighting the communist Pathet Lao. After two years in Laos, Chamlong was reassigned to Thailand to attend the Army Command and General Staff College. He also engaged in six months of counterinsurgency training.

Assigned to South Vietnam as part of Thailand's ten-thousand strong troop deployment during the Vietnam War, Chamlong served as a senior planning and operations officer for an infantry division headquartered in Bienhua province. Chamlong stayed in Vietnam for a year, before being staffed in the Bangkok-based Thailand Military Research and Development Center.

In 1972, Chamlong went to the U.S. Navy’s Postgraduate School in Monterey, California, where he completed a two-year management course. For his master’s thesis, Chamlong wrote a study of labor unrest in Thailand. After graduating, he returned to the Military Research and Development Center.

[edit] Young Turk

During the 1970's, Chamlong and other Class 7 alumni formed the Young Military Officers Group, commonly referred to as the "Young Turks." The Young Turks expoused an ideology of incorruptible leadership and anti-leftism.

The Young Turks supported the bloody 6 October 1976 military coup against the elected government of Seni Pramoj. The exact role that the Young Turks played, particularly in the brutal massacre of students at Thammasat University, is still debated.

The Young Turks master-minded supported the military's coup against the military puppet government of Tanin Kraivixien. The coup installed Kriangsak Chomanand, Chamlong's commanding officer, as Prime Minister. In 1979, Kriangsak appointed Lieutenant Colonel Chamlong to the military-dominated Senate. The late 1970's and the ascension of Young Turk mentor General Prem Tinsulanonda to the Premiership in 1980 marked the apex of Class 7's influence in Thai politics. Prem appointed Chamlong as his secretary, a extremely powerful position.

[edit] Secretary to Prem

In April 1st 1981, the Young Turks, frustrated at the slow pace of political reform under Prem, staged a coup, later called the "April Hawaii" or "April Fools" coup. Chamlong refused to take part, standing by Prem. The coup collapsed after the royal family, shepharded by Prem to Nakhon Ratchasima Province, announced their support for troops loyal to Prem.

A rift between Chamlong and Prem later erupted after the lower house of Parliament passed a law legalizing abortions in cases of rape and in situations when a pregant woman's life is in danger. Chamlong was strongly opposed to what he viewed as "free abortions," and resigned as Prem's secretary in order to lobby the Senate to veto the law. He was successful in his campaign.

After leaving Prem's office, Chamlong was assigned to teach psychology and politics at the National Defense College.

[edit] Santi Asoke

Chamlong had long been a devout Buddhist, and had particular respect to the monks Buddhadasa Bhikkhu and Panyanantha Bhikkhu. In 1979, Chamlong met Phra Phothirak (Bodhirak), founder of the controversial Santi Asoke sect. Soon afterwards, Chamlong and Sirilak vowed to abstain from sexual relations and, in Sirilak’s words, to start "a new life together in purity and friendship." In the early 1980's, he spent his spare time touring the countryside giving talks about Phothirak's brand of ascetic Buddhism, and urging people to abstain from beer, cigarettes, meat, and gambling.

On 1 October 1985, Chamlong was promoted from colonel to major general. Two days later, he resigned from the Army and registered as a candidate for governor of Bangkok.

[edit] Governor of Bangkok and leader of the Phalang Dharma Party

Chamlong ran for governor as an independent, supported by an organization calling itself Ruam Phalang (United Force), made up mostly of volunteers from Santi Asoke. He ran based on promises of integrity and anti-corruption. The campaign relied heavily on inexpensive posters and door-to-door visits, in contrast to more traditional giant posters and political rallies. Chamlong's candidacy was belittled by the then Democrat Party leader Bhichai Rattakul, as "sidewalk" ware, while the Democrat incumbent was likened as "department store" ware. Chamlong won the election with half a million votes, twice as much as his most popular competitor, incumbent Chana Rungsaeng.

As Governor, Chamlong reopened bidding for several city projects. He claimed that the lower cost of new bids saved the city 80 million THB (nearly USD $3 million). He also persuaded city street sweepers to sweep streets for the entire day, rather than just during the morning. In addition, Chamlong encouraged road-side hawkers, technically illegal, to stop selling their wares once a week on Wednesdays. His anti-poverty projects included paving footpaths in squater communities and establishing a chain of thrift stores for the poor.

In 1988, Chamlong estalished the Palang Dharma (Moral Force) Party (PDP) to contest nationwide parliamentary elections. Chamlong himself remained in the governorship of Bangkok, while a huge slate of 318 PDP candidates contested for seats across the nation. Half of the PDP's candidates were Santi Asoke devotees (sometimes referred to as the "temple faction"), and the party’s ideological platform clearly reflected Santi Asoke teachings. However, some key posts went to outsiders (referred to as the "political faction"), including the post of Secretary-General, which went to Dr Udomsilp Srisaengnam.

The PDP provoked much criticism, most of it aimed at Chamlong and Santi Asoke. Chamlong was accused of playing an active role in the student massacres of 1976 (charges which he denied). Santi Asoke was accused of being a illegal sect with heretical teachings.

The election was a disappointment for the PDP. Only fourteen candidates won seats: ten in Bangkok and four in the provinces. Santi Asoke candidates fared particularly poorly. As a result of the 1988 elections, Chamlong’s former patron, Prem Tinsulanonda, was replaced as Prime Minister by Chatichai Choonhavan, leader of the Chart Thai Party.

It was widely speculated that Secretary-General Udomsilp wanted to join Chatichai's government coalition, where he had been promised the Ministry of Public Health.[1] Chamlong declared that he would rather dissolve the party than let Udomsilp succeed. Udomsilp later resigned as PDP Secretary-General and was succeeded by Vinai Sompong, Chamlong's personal secretary. Thus began a decade long division between the "temple faction" and the "political faction" that would forever plague the PDP.

Chatichai’s government reopened investigations into Santi Asoke, which led to a decision by the Supreme Council of the Sangha to defrock Phothirak. Phothirak sidestepped the defrocking by abandoning his yellow robes for white ones and refraining from calling himself a monk.

In the 1990 re-elections for the governorship of Bangkok, Chamlong gained 62% of all votes, twice as many as his most popular rival. In the 1990 election for the Bangkok City Council, the PDP won by a landslide, with 49 out of 55 seats.[2]

[edit] Opposition to Suchinda Kraprayoon

Main article: Bloody May

[edit] Prelude to violence

On 23 February 1991, Army chief Suchinda Kraprayoon overthrew the government of Chatichai Choonhavan. The coup-makers, who called themselves the National Peace-Keeping Council (NPKC), appointed Anand Panyarachun as Prime Minister. Anand's interim government promulgated a new constitution and scheduled parliamentary elections for 22 March 1992.

Chamlong decided to resign as Governor and become a PDP parliamentary candidate. The PDP won by a landslide in Bangkok, with 32 of 35 seats. Outside Bangkok, however, the PDP won only 9 seats. Meanwhile, PDP candidate Krisda Arunvongse na Ayutthaya became Governor of Bangkok. A government coalition with 55% of the lower house was formed without the PDP and appointed Suchinda as Prime Minister. Massive public protests immediately followed. Chamlong played a major role in the protests and started a hunger strike in 4 May. On 9 May, Suchinda responded by saying that he would support a constitutional amendment making individuals who had not been elected to Parliament ineligible for the Premiership. Chamlong ended his fast on 9 May as tensions dissipated. That same evening, he also announced his resignation as leader of the PDP to allay suspicions that his actions were politically motivated.

[edit] Bloody May

The truce was short-lived. On 17 May the two leading government parties announced that, while they supported the constitutional amendment, they also favored transitional clauses that would permit Suchinda to serve as prime minister for the life of the current Parliament. By that evening, 200,000 demonstrators filled Sanam Luang to call for Suchinda to resign. Chamlong led the protestors on a 2 KM march to Government House. As they reached the intersection of Rachadamnoen and Rachadamnoen Nok Avenues, they were halted at Phan Fa Bridge, which had been barricaded with razor wire by the police. After negotiations failed, some protestors stampeded and broke through the barricade. The police retaliated with water cannons and clubs after protestors tried to commandeer one of the fire trucks. Stones and molotov cocktails were soon flying. Chamlong used a loudspeaker to exhort the marchers not to attack the police, but his words were lost in the unrest.

Over the next several hours, hundreds of troops arrived to quell the protest. Just after midnight, Suchinda declared a State of Emergency, making gatherings of more than ten people illegal. Chamlong remained near Phan Fa Bridge and the nearby Democracy Monument. Around 4:00 a.m., soldiers threatened the nearly 40,000 protesters by firing M16 rifles. An hour and a half later, they began firing again. Using a loudspeaker, Chamlong asked the soldiers to stop shooting. By the morning, the army moved more troops in, and crowds grew even larger at other sections of the city.

Early on the afternoon of 18 May, Suchinda publicly accused Chamlong of fomenting violence and defended the government’s use of force. Shortly later, troops, firing continuously in the air, moved in on the crowd surrounding Chamlong. The troops handcuffed and arrested Chamlong.

The crowds did not disperse, and the violence escalated. After government troops had secured the area around Phan Fa Bridge and the Democracy Monument, protests shifted to Ramkhamhaeng University across the city. By the evening of 19 May, some fifty thousand people had gathered there.

[edit] Royal Intervention

Early on the morning of 20 May, Princess Sirindhorn addressed the country on television, calling for a stop to the unrest. Her appeal was rebroadcast throughout the day. In the evening, her brother, Crown Prince Vajiralongkorn, broadcast a similar public appeal. Then at 9:30 pm, a television broadcast of King Bhumipol, Suchinda, and Chamlong was shown, in which the King demanded that the two put an end to their confrontation and work together through parliamentary processes. Following the broadcast, Suchinda released Chamlong and announced an amnesty for protestors. He also agreed to support an amendment requiring the prime minister to be elected. Chamlong asked the demonstrators to disperse, which they did. On 24 May 1992, Suchinda resigned.

Chamlong later apologized for his role in the events: "I wanted a peaceful rally," he said afterwards. "I can’t deny some responsibility for the damage and loss of life. I feel deeply sorry for those families whose members were killed in the incident, for those people who were injured and their families." Nevertheless, he noted that "we were right in what we have done."

[edit] Downfall of the Phalang Dharma Party

[edit] The Chuan 1 government

Chamlong was re-elected in parliamentary elections held on 13 September 1992, along with 46 other PDP MPs. While campaigning, he had refused to accept a Cabinet seat if the PDP were the join the government. The PDP joined the government coalition of Democrat Chuan Leekpai. In the face of increasing tension between the "temple faction" and the "political faction", Chamlong stepped down as party leader in January 1993, [3] and was succeeded by business tycoon, Boonchu Rojanastien, of the "political faction". Chamlong then established an organic farm and a leadership school in Kanchanaburi province.

Temple faction frustration increased at the slow pace of reform and development of the Chuan government. In the March 1994 elections for the Bangkok City Council, the PDP won only 24 out of 55 seats, a humiliating defeat compared to the 49 seats it won in 1990.[4] Soon later, Chaiwat Sinsuwong of the temple faction resigned as Deputy Governor of Bangkok.[5]

Finally, in late 1994, Chamlong returned to active politics and regained control of the party leadership. Boonchu and other political faction Cabinet ministers were replaced by temple faction loyalists and new blood, including newcomer Thaksin Shinawatra (who became Foreign Minister). The PDP soon withdrew from the government over the Sor Por Kor 4-01 land reform corruption scandal, causing the government of Chuan Leekpai to collapse.

[edit] The Thaksin-era

Chamlong was strongly criticized for his handling internal PDP politics in the last days of the Chuan-government and retired from politics. He picked Thaksin as the new PDP leader. In Parliamentary elections in July 1995, a severely weakened PDP won only 23 seats. The PDP joined the coalition government led by Banharn Silpa-Archa of the Chart Thai party. Thaksin was appointed Deputy Prime Minister in charge of Bangkok traffic.

In early 1996, Chamlong decided to return to politics to contest the Bangkok Governor elections, facing incumbent Krisda Arunwongse na Ayudhya (who had defected from the PDP). In May 1996, Thaksin and 4 other PDP ministers quit the Banharn Cabinet (while retaining their MP seats) to protest widespread allegations of corruption, prompting a Cabinet reshuffle, and possibly giving Chamlong a boost in the elections. Chamlong lost the election to Pichit Rattakul, an independent. Chamlong's failure to buttress the PDP's failing power base in Bangkok amplified internal divisions in the PDP. Afterwards, Chamlong announced again that he was retiring from politics, and returned to his leadership school and organic farm.

The PDP pulled out of the Banharn government in August 1996. In subsequent elections in November 1996, the PDP suffered a fatal defeat, winning only 1 seat in Parliament. The PDP soon imploded, with most members resigning. Several members (including Thaksin Shinawatra and Sudarat Keyuraphan) later formed the Thai Rak Thai party and won a landslide election victory in 2001.

[edit] Opposition to IPO of Thai Beverage

Chamlong leaped back into the public view when, in 2005, he led a coalition of 67 religious and 172 anti-alcohol groups to protest the IPO of Thai Beverage plc (maker of Beer Chang and Mekhong rum) in the Stock Exchange of Thailand. Along with thousands of Santi Asoke supporters, he camped in front of the SET for several nights on the eve of Visakha Bucha, citing "a grave threat to the health, social harmony and time-honored ethics of Thai culture" if the IPO was approved.[6][7] The IPO, which would have raised USD $1.2 billion making it the largest listing in SET history, was indefinitely postponed by the SET.[8] Thai Beverage eventually listed in Singapore.[9]

[edit] Leader of the People's Alliance for Democracy

Chamlong became a key leader of the People's Alliance for Democracy, a coalition of protestors against the government of Thaksin Shinawatra and a key player in the Thailand political crisis of 2005-2006. After a military coup overthrew the Thaksin government, Chamlong was rewarded for his role in Thaksin's downfall by being appointed to parliament.[10][11]

[edit] Notes

[edit] References

  • A 1992 biography is the key source for much of the article's coverage of Chamlong's pre-1992 career.

[edit] Further reading

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